timately to make the same impressions on too many of the lower orders there; nor did they want able Leaders and a regular system, to form this misled multitude into an Army of Conspi

rators.

It appears now, that the magnitude of the danger to the Kingdom from these principles, and these men, was not so well understood by Opposition as by the other side and it may be hoped, it may be expected, that many of them are enemies of that desperate policy

"Of setting all the land on fire,

"To burn to a scantling, and no higher (1);"

by which some men in the last century endeavoured to rise to the height of power; who encouraged the wildest popular commotions, in hope by their own popular ascendancy, after they had rendered them subservient to their own purposes, instantly to extinguish them.

It is useful here to remember also, that when the danger of the Throne had acquired a more determinate evidence, some of its former opponents became the best supports, and the most

(1) Hudibras.

splendid

splendid ornaments of its cause. Such was Lord FALKLAND; and such was Mr. HYDE, who added to his unshaken fidelity to the Crown, an unshaken fidelity to the Constitution; when, as Prime Minister, he refused to suffer his Sovereign to be virtually invested with absolute power. An accident of the moment has drawn me into a repetition of this beautiful part of our History; it is Mr. SHERIDAN'S late noble declaration, “That we are now in a "situation in which Government and the Le

gislature would betray their Country, if they "were not as resolute in resisting, as others "are in propagating Mutiny and Insurrection;" to which he afterwards added, "I am willing "to support Government in resisting Foreign "Enemies; and also those Enemies at home, "whose foul and infamous artifices have been "employed to seduce the Sailors, without "whom this Country cannot be sayed. I will "therefore support this measure."

In this, it is true, a hope is to be founded of the bonorum omnium consensus; the union of every good and eminent character in the State, against the peril which now threatens it. But this is an effect of vast magnitude; and it points out both the magnitude of that peril and the clear

ness

ness of its evidence. The happy beginning of this union which we have seen, is itseif a strong argument of the necessity, that all Men of Property should prepare to repel the present danger, by a like union on this occasion; and enter into a general Armed Association, for their defence against their Foreign and Domestic Enemies.

A short account will be here given, of the Constitution and Spirit of the Irish Conspiracy, from the Reports of the two Houses of Parliament of that Kingdom: it will then be shewn, that the same Plot is going on in Great Britain the Leaders in both Kingdoms pursuing the same ends, and acting with the most entire co-operation; so that they are to be considered as engaged in the same Conspiracy, in different parts of the Empire. How this affects the interests of Society in general, and some different Classes and Sections of it in particular, will be then pointed out; and the measures these great interests call upon us to embrace, ultimately considered.

The pretended, and the real object of the Conspiracy in Ireland, I shall first lay down. In the Report of the Committee of Secresy of

the

the House of Commons (1) in that Kingdom, dated May 12th, 1797, we find, that "they "held forth Catholic Emancipation and Par

liamentary Reform, as ostensible objects of "their union; but their real purposes were, to

separate Great Britain from Ireland, and to "subvert the present Constitution; as appears "more fully from the explanation given by "Mr. THEOBALD WOLFE TONE, one of the

original framers of this Institution, in a "Letter addressed to his Friends at Belfast, containing the Resolutions and Declaration 66 upon which the Institution was formed."

66

It

This Letter is, in reality, the original Plan of the Association of the United Irishmen. is divided into two parts; the comparison of which convicts the Writer of the most profligate hypocrisy, and shews that plausible political pretences are sometimes assumed intentionally, as a cover for the most desperate designs against the existence of the State. The first part is intended to form the Public Declaration of the new Society. In this he proposes that they should declare, "we have gone to "what we conceive to be the root of the evil;

(9)

"we have stated what we conceive to be the remedy. With a reformed Parliament, every

་་

thing is easy; without it, nothing can be "done (1)." The second part of the Letter is confidential; and in this he professes himself to have stated in the former, so much only "of his opinion, as in the present juncture it

may be advisable to publish;" and that his further plans were " for the present too hardy." And on one of his proposed Resolutions, he says, "I have been purposely vague and inde "finite in its expression (2)."

The ultimate object of the Association was thus intentionally concealed at first, from the Associators: so true is that observation of ST. JUST-"Disguise is the characteristic feature "of Conspiracies (3)." Both in Ireland and England, there is a common declared pretence, or watch-word, of these atrocious Conspirators -Reform of Parliament. They are well read in the practice of that great architect of sanguinary Revolution, ROBESPIERRE: "No

66

Conspiracies could ever be formed, unless the "word Reform was to precede the word Revo"lution (4)."

(1) Commons' Report, App. p. 2.-(2) Ib. p. 3, 4.(3) GIFFORD'S Letter to ERSKINE, p. 176.-(4) Ib. p. 176.