Washburne, now our minister at Paris, though Cadwallader Washburn more likely gave the special provocation, and was striding towards Elihu, when he was taken by Burton Craige, a member about six and a half feet high from North Carolina, and led away to get quieted.

At last Speaker Orr directed the Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest those making the disorder, and this included nearly the whole House - one man against two hundred and forty. The Sergeantat-Arms, therefore, with his ponderous mace, or the silver-bound Roman fasces, surmounted by the silver American eagle, marched into the crowd, when, curiously enough, this seemingly useless official bauble, useless for offense or defense, attracting general attention as the symbol of authority and of law and order, produced the miraculous effect of oil poured upon troubled waters, and the tumult subsiding, order was again restored.

Fortunately no knife was drawn and no pistol cocked; or the discreditable scene might have ended much more like a tragedy. Mr. Keitt had probably been dining out, and a half an hour after the conflict stepped up to the Speaker's chair in a hilarious, smiling mood, when Mr. Orr, who had presided with much dignity, met his gaze with the soberest face and said to him, as he afterwards told me, "You have behaved very badly." At the next meeting of the House, Mr. Keitt arose and made an apology, assuming the whole responsibility of the disturbance, saying that he was the aggressor, and, if any blow was directed at him, he was not conscious of having received any. This was held to be satisfactory, and, though the veracity of the statement about the blow was open to some doubt, no further notice was taken of the affair. If a blow had been acknowledged, "the code" would have required atonement in the field.

Mr. John Sherman, also of Ohio and brother of General Sherman, was a very young man, tall and slender and a vigorous and effective debater. He was not demonstrative, but was a man of undoubted courage. In drawing seats by members his name was drawn so late that he had to accept one on the Democratic side of the House, in the midst of the enemy's camp, and when his tall form arose and boldly championed the Republican side of questions in debate, the effect was rather startling. When he became a candidate, or was supported for Speaker in the 36th Congress, he was fiercely assailed for having signed with many

others a paper commending for circulation what was then called the "Helper Book," which he had never read, written by Mr. Helper of North Carolina with much zeal and some intemperance against slavery and slaveholders. Mr. Sherman was not much of an anti-slavery man, but firm in resisting the extension of the institution, and yet if he had committed a great crime his opponents could not have more ferociously denounced him. He came within two or three votes of an election, but got no further. Upon the resignation of Mr. Chase in the Senate, who was appointed Secretary of the Treasury by Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Sherman succeeded him in the Senate.

Alexander H. Stephens, a member from Georgia, was a notable man: notable for his personal appearance, for his ability, and for his history. In his boyhood he was left an orphan, but friends helped him to the funds necessary to acquire an education which expenditure he afterwards scrupulously repaid out of his first earnings from his profession. Those who may have seen Bony Edson, called the Vermont "living skeleton," will have no difficulty as to forming a correct idea of the person of Mr. Stephens. He was tall, or rather was supported by very long legs, and did not have the appearance of having any flesh, but his skin appeared as if slightly tanned-possibly parboiled, and glued to his frame. When standing he was very erect, except that his head was slightly bent forward, and his bright black eyes were almost the only indication of the high order of his intellectual capacity. With his small head, small mouth, and thin lips, he looked like a boyish invalid escaped from some hospital. His voice was a strong soprano like that of a woman, shrill and sharp, and so different from any other in the House, that he rarely failed to be at once recognized by the Speaker even if his attenuated form did not attract notice. Whenever he spoke he was generally listened to because he surprised the House quite as much by his originality and independence of thought, by his mental vigor and learning, as he did by his remarkable personal appearance and voice. He had been regularly returned as a member from his District since 1843, and was revered by his people and by many in the South somewhat as a weird oracle.

One day in the House, Mr. Stephens came and sat by my side and in a chatty mood, among other things observed, "Your people are making a great fuss about the State of Kansas coming

in as a slave State, but you will all submit." Which, of course, I stoutly denied. "Why," said he, "you said as much when Texas was annexed Massachusetts then was going to have a revoluand yet you all submitted." But this time we didn't submit, and now Kansas is a free and prosperous State with a white population nearly as large as that of Georgia.

tion

Mr. Joshua R. Giddings... was one of the old wheel-horses of the anti-slavery party in its most advanced positions. In 1842, for presenting some anti-slavery propositions of an extreme character, he was censured by a vote of the House, and, having promptly resigned his seat, was immediately returned again by his constituents. He was a tall and very large man with a strong will, absolute integrity, and fair ability. Although he was intensely hated by all pro-slavery men, he possessed the full confidence of all parties when he reported bills from the committee on claims. His word was law, and a claim favored by him was sure to pass, while any that he opposed had no chance whatever. He was a very genial, kind-hearted man, possessed of some humor, well stocked with anecdotes, and never lacked courage to face the tumult he sometimes excited or the threats of a hostile House. In a former Congress, when personal violence seemed imminent, Mr. Foot, then one of the members in the House from Vermont, came promptly and stood by his side. Those who may remember the imposing front, the eye to threaten and command of that whole-souled man, may well believe that Mr. Giddings, himself a giant, was not likely to be struck down with such a stalwart friend by his side. Once in the session of 1856, Mr. Edmundson of Virginia stalked across the front area towards Mr. Giddings evidently with the purpose of a personal if not murderous assault, when Mr. Giddings, shaking his fist, let fly at him the quotation:

"Go show your slaves how choleric you are,

And make your bondmen tremble.”

The friends near Mr. Giddings pushed forward, and Mr. Edmundson, being possibly a little obfuscated, was taken back to his seat.

Scenes like these in the halls of Congress were plain indications of the intense feeling that animated even the calm

est and most restrained of its members. The country behind Congress was no less disturbed. Serious men felt that the waters of the great deep were moving and events of portentous gravity impending. The signs of a terrible storm increased in number: the disruption of the Whig Party removed the last bond between the moderate Northern antislavery men and their Southern sympathizers; the Democratic Party was rapidly falling under Southern control and ceasing to represent anything but sectionalism; the division of the Methodist Church into Northern and Southern branches was ominous; finally the violence in Kansas, amounting practically to civil war between the Northern and Southern factions, gave the feeling that a vast explosion was imminent.

"There is but one feeling," a constituent wrote Morrill at this time, "that pervades this whole community; it is a feeling of fear, fear that the slave power will ultimately triumph, not only for Speaker, but on the Kansas question - but I hope not."

The speakership contest, already described on an earlier page in Morrill's own words, was the first struggle in which he took part. The issue was from the first tacitly and soon avowedly a sectional one, and there was precipitated a struggle not surpassed in bitterness and seldom equaled in length in our legislative annals. The rival candidates very suitably represented the rival forces. William Aiken, the Democratic candidate, was from South Carolina; N. P. Banks, the Republican, was from Massachusetts. The contest drew a clear North and South line. Every vote for Banks was a free-State vote; every vote but one for Aiken was a slave-State vote.

At the last, on the hundred and thirty-third ballot, after the contest had endured from the 3d of December to the 2d of February, Banks was elected and the Republicans

were filled with exultation, Morrill not less than the rest of

the party.

MY DEAR WIFE:

even

WASHINGTON, Feb. 3, 1856

--

I supposed you would get a telegram before my hasty scrawl of last night would reach you, but I could not resist the impulse to write to you first announcing our glorious triumph. Six years ago Toombs, Stephens, Clingman, etc., rejected Robert C. Winthrop because, although a gentleman, scholar, statesman, and a man of high qualifications for the Speaker's chair, he was not a pro-slavery man. He was not anti-slavery — he was national, - for "our country however bounded." That is, not a disunionist, though Texas had been annexed. But he wouldn't do. He was from Massachusetts. Nothing good could come out of Nazareth! Now they are forced to swallow a man from Massachusetts not only, but one who has something more than the "smell of fire on his garments" a man from "the strongest anti-slavery" furnace (district) in the Union! — Well, it is true that it was hard work to pour the medicine down their necks, but I verily think they needed it and that it will do them great good.

Tell your father we didn't "flunk out" as he predicted we should. Nevertheless it has been achieved only by the most arduous effort you can conceive. We had to meet able, adroit, bold, cunning, and reckless forces. They fought us at every step, and even after Banks was elected continued the fight, a portion of them, for two hours like graceless, bully blackguards.

The House and galleries were crowded to the utmost limit and such a noise, huzzas and cheers, as resounded in the lofty ceilings you can little imagine. The cordial grip of the hand went round like a chain shot on our side. On t'other side you saw the Waterloo in their faces. All was lost. The verdict was against them with costs. They must foot the bill. We tendered the plurality rule two months ago. As they are beaten, the delay and costs of continuance - not less than $300,000 - must and will be charged over to them by the country.

You see, my dear Ruth, that I am chock full of the subject and cannot write about anything else and must sing the same tune to others of my friends to-day. I know you will rejoice with