Turn to the opinion of Gouverneur Morris, Senator from New York, a Federalist who knew all about both Jefferson and Burr. In a letter to Hamilton, Jan. 26, 1801, Morris states that the Federalists after full consideration are inclined to support Burr in preference to Jefferson. Why? Because, as Bayard, of Delaware, afterward stated on the floor of the House, they considered Burr the best man of the two.

They believed Jefferson to be "infected with all the cold-blooded vices," and to be full of "dangerous principles." They looked "with abhorrence at a Chief Magistrate of America who shall be a slave to Virginia."

As to Burr, they consider him "as equal in worth to Jefferson, or equally void of it." The difference between the two is that Burr's "defects do not arise from want of energy or vigor."

They believe that "to courage Burr adds generosity," and that he "can not be branded with the charge of ingratitude."

Thus we have the testimony of two of the most prominent Federalists in America. No two men stood higher than Carroll and Morris, and what they say in confidence and without motive for misstatement is as convincing as it is possible for human evidence to be. Take what they assert as true, and Dr. Channing is wrong. His "disreputable politician" comes in at a much later date.

Mr. Morris and Mr. Carroll viewed Burr as a political enemy. How was he regarded by his political friends? Thomas Jefferson should be an authority on that side, and his testimony given at the time is precisely in line with that of Mr. Carroll and Senator Morris.

In a letter to Burr, dated Dec. 15, 1800, while congratulating the brilliant New Yorker on his election as Vice-President, Jefferson expresses a regret that he, Jefferson, will not have the benefit of Burr's services in his administration-evidently meaning the Cabinet. I had endeavored to compose an administration whose talents, integrity, names, and dispositions should inspire unbounded confidence in the public mind, etc. I lose you from the list, etc."

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Mr. Jefferson classes Burr among those men of integrity who inspired unbounded confidence in the public mind, and with whom he had expected to compose his Cabinet.

And there is nothing in Jefferson's writings, written at this time or previous to this time, which is in contradiction to what he wrote Burr.

CHAPTER XLI

JEFFERSON PRESIDENT

REMAINING at Albany, and contenting himself with a refusal to help the conspirators at Washington, Burr did nothing to defeat them. This attitude appeared to give Mr. Jefferson satisfaction at the time, for he wrote to his daughter that the Federalists had not been able to make a tool of Burr, and that the conduct of that gentleman had been honorable throughout.

As day after day passed in the House, and no election resulted, excitement rose higher and higher throughout the country. It was the middle of February. If by March 4th there should have been no choice of President, regular government would be at an end. There was no hold-over machinery which could be relied upon. A new convention of States would have to be called, perhaps, and this new convention might make various changes which numerous people did not desire. For instance, the South might lose the Federal capital, and Delaware might lose her statehood. Evidently it was to the interest of all parties that Federalism should not defy the country.

Hotheads began to talk of fighting, and in one or two places preparations of a warlike character were made. Threats were heard that no Federalist should have the presidency, and that Thomas Jefferson should be seated.

If Burr had been chosen there would have been no revolt; Mr. Jefferson says this himself. But the Federalists could no more extract a pledge from him than from Jefferson.

At this crisis three factors entered the problem and influenced the Federalists to obey the people, and prefer Jefferson.

One was the fear of the South as to the capital; another was the fear of Delaware that Pennsylvania would absorb her; and the third was the fear of Alexander Hamilton that Burr's elevation would mean his own extinction.

A student of the situation will be impressed with the fact that, independent of Hamilton, the other two considerations would have compelled the choice of Jefferson.

With Hamilton the least of his motives was patriotic. His opinion of Jefferson was as bad a one as one man could have of another. But Jefferson did not live in New York; Burr did, and that fact made a world of difference. It was simply intolerable to Hamilton to have his detested local rival elected to the presidency, and he exerted what influence he could to have Jefferson chosen.

What that influence was is not so clear.

Vermont, Delaware, and Maryland were the pivotal States, and it is not certain that Hamilton controlled either. The vote of any one of these would be enough to elect Jefferson. Pugnacious and incorruptible Matthew Lyon was one of the Representatives from Vermont, and the nephew of Gouverneur Morris was the other. Gouverneur Morris was Senator from New York, and had his own jealousy and dislike of Burr, his own independ ent and honorable belief that the choice of the people should be respected by Congress, and favored Jefferson from the first. That his nephew absented himself and allowed Lyon to cast the whole vote of Vermont for Jefferson was probably due to the influence of the rich, adroit, powerful New York Senator, Gouverneur Morris.

Maryland cast a blank ballot at the final vote, and who knows that Hamilton's influence caused her to do it? The fear of losing the capital had intensely excited Baltimore, and local influences of the strongest kind had been brought to bear. But when she ceased to vote against Jefferson, he no longer needed her support.

As to Bayard, of Delaware, he was the Mephistopheles of the whole episode. He extended his open palms in both directions, seeking gifts. Burr could have bought the presidency through Bayard. Jefferson could have arranged a deal through Bay