sixteenth, it was the universal conviction that the venality could not before have been carried on in so gross, open, and shameless a manner as it now was before the eyes of the whole world; the art of turning everything into money could not have been worked up to such perfection. Count John Francis Pico of Mirandola, who wrote a treatise on the misfortunes of Italy as caused by Leo X., mentions, as a symptom of the extent of national demoralization and godlessness, that now ecclesiastical and religious offices were put up to formal and public auction to the highest bidder.1

Since 1512 a fresh source of information had been added, in the shape of an official edition, printed in Rome, of the customary taxes in the Roman Chancery and Penitentiary. It was based throughout on the older arrangement of taxes, dating from the time of John XXII., but it was then kept secret, whereas it was now publicly exposed for sale.2 This publication,

1 De Veris Calamitatum Causis nostrorum Temporum (ed. Colorius Cesius Mutinæ, 1860), p. 24.

2 The composition of the Curia at the opening of the sixteenth century was very different from what it is now. A Provinciale of 1518, printed in Rome, contains, somewhere near the end, a list of the "officia Curiæ." Most of them are marked "venduntur." The purchase of such an office was the most profitable investment of capital, which, of course, produced the richest interest. We learn from this Provinciale that the referendaries "non habent numerum," that there were 101 sollicitatores, 101 masters of the archives, 8 writers of supplications, 12 registrars, 27 clerks

which was soon disseminated in every country, opened men's eyes everywhere to the huge mass of Roman reservations and prohibitions, as also to the price fixed for every transgression, and for absolution from the worst sins-murder, incest, and the like. This tariff of the Chancery was afterwards supposed to be an invention of the enemies of the Papacy, but the repeated editions prepared under Papal sanction leave no doubt about the matter.1 They show the complete feeling of security in Rome, and what the Curia believed it could safely offer to the gaze of the world. For the bitterest enemy of Rome could have invented nothing worse than this exposure of a mechanism systematically developed for centuries, wherein laws seemed to be made only for the purpose of the Penitentiary, 81 writers of briefs, 104 collectores plumbi, 101 apostolical clerks. All these offices were sold. There were besides 13 proctors in the "Audientia Contradictorum," 60 abbreviators "de minori," 12 de parco majori. Most of these also could be bought. We must add 12 Consistorial advocates, 12 auditors of the Rota, who are said to be dependent on gratuities, 10 notaries under the Auditor Cameræ, 29 secretaries and 7 clerics of the Camera, with 9 notaries. Think of a well-meaning Pope like Adrian VI. finding himself suddenly, in his old age, with the prospect of only a few years' reign, placed at the head of this gigantic machine, constructed in every part for money-getting; some 800 persons all bent on making the most out of the capital they had bought their places with, and all together forming a serried phalanx united by a common interest! A feeling of hopeless impotence to grapple with such a condition of things must steal over the very boldest heart.

1 They were afterwards put on the Index, with the comment, "ab hæreticis depravata," but the editions, often indeed provided by Protestants, do not differ from the authentic Roman issues under Leo X. and Julius II.

of selling the right to break them, and both individuals and communities were only allowed the exercise of their natural rights when they had paid for it.1

The Curia cared nothing for being described by writers as the source of all the corruption in Christendom, the poisoner and plague-spot of the nations. There were indeed outbreaks of indignation here and there, especially when the Curia attacked some favourite popular orator. When the Carmelite Thomas Conecte, who had long been labouring in France, Flanders, and Italy, as a travelling missionary, had wrought numberless conversions, and had distinguished himself by the saintliness of his life, at last lashed the vices of the Court of Rome, Eugenius IV. had him tortured by the Inquisition, and burnt alive. And as Eugenius treated him, Alexander VI. treated Savonarola, That famous orator

2

and theologian had called aloud for a reformation of the polluted Church, and had urged the sovereigns to

1 Thus, e.g., cities had to pay a license at Rome for erecting a primary school, and if a school was to be removed, a sum of money had again to be paid for it. Nuns had to buy permission for having two maid-servants for the sick. Cf. Taxa Cancellar. Apost. (Romæ, 1514), f. 10 seq.

2 "Adversus vitia Curiæ Romanæ emergentia nimio quia zelo declamabat, captus pro hæretico habitus est et ut talis combustus." Cosmas de Villiers, Biblioth. Carmel. Aurelianis 1752, ii. 814. His brother monk, Baptista Mantuanus (De Vita Beata) pronounces Thomas a martyr, and compares his death with St. Laurence's. Eugenius is said afterwards on his deathbed to have bitterly repented his share in this deed.

lend their aid to the assembling of an Ecumenical Council. For that the Pope excommunicated him, and threatened Florence with an interdict. Papal Commissaries were sent there, and Savonarola, with two brethren of his Order, was executed for heresy, and their bodies burnt. Thus did the crowned theologian overcome the simple preaching monk,-the theologian, for Julius was that, in spite of his children and his "handmaidens." He had done, as Rodrigo Borgia, what was sure to gain him the red hat; he had, besides a gloss on the rules of the Chancery, composed a really learned work in defence of the universal monarchy and infallibility of the Popes. But Savonarola, as even his enemies must admit, was not only one of the most gifted men and best theologians of his day; he also belonged to the most powerful of the Religious Orders, and had many adherents among its members. thus he came to be honoured as a saint and martyr for the truth, and other saints, like Philip Neri and Catherine Ricci, bore witness to his holiness, and even a later Pope, Benedict XIV., declared him worthy of canonization.3

2

And

1 The expression is borrowed from Macchiavelli, "Tre sue famigliari e care anzelle, lussuria, simonia, e crudeltade," J. Decennal. Opere (ed. Fiorent. 1843), p. 682.

2 Clypeus Defens. Fid. S. Rom. Eccl. Argentor. 1497. 3 De Serv. Dei Canonis, iii. 25. 17.

§ XXIX.-The State of Contemporary Opinion. Italy was still more thoroughly victimized to the Curia than Germany, but the Italians bore the burden more easily, because the sums which flowed in from all parts of tributary Europe to the Court of Rome, through a hundred different channels, were again diffused from Rome, by means of nepotism, throughout the Peninsula, and most of the cardinals and prelates were flesh of their flesh, and bone of their bone. But the very fact of this close neighbourhood and kinship made its moral effects more mischievous. All thoughtful Italians of

that age who could make comparisons, regarded their nation as surpassing those of Northern Europe in corruption and irreligion. Macchiavelli says:-"The Italians are indebted to the Roman Church and its priests: for our having lost all religion and devotion through their bad examples, and having become an unbelieving and evil people." He adds, "The nearer a people dwells to the Roman Court the less religion it has. Were that Court set down among the Swiss, who still remain more pious, they too would soon be corrupted by its vices." Nor was a more favourable judgment given

1 Discorsi, i. 12, p. 273, ed. 1843.