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PRIME MINISTER NOMINATED BY HER.

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ministers chosen by the Sovereign are entitled to
receive from Parliament, if not implicit confidence,
at least a fair trial. And that this has been the
practice of the Constitution the political student
will easily see by examining the questions that
arose upon the appointments of Mr Pitt as Prime
Minister in 1783, of Mr Addington in 1801, of the
Duke of Portland in 1807, of Sir Robert Peel in
1834, and of the late lamented Earl of Derby in
1852, 1858, and in 1866. In all these instances
the Prime Ministers were nominated solely by the
Sovereign, in the face of a hostile majority in the
House of Commons. It is now universally con-
ceded that the Prime Minister should be the free
choice of the Crown, and this is almost the only act
which is the personal act of the Sovereign;* yet, as
no minister can carry on the government of the
country for any length of time who does not pos-
sess the confidence of Parliament, this selection
is hence practically limited. And as incoming
ministers are held responsible to Parliament for
the policy which occasioned the retirement of their
predecessors in office, ample security is offered that

That

"I offered no opinion as to the choice of a successor.
is almost the only act which is the personal act of the sovereign;
it is for the sovereign to determine in whom her confidence shall

be placed."-Sir R. Peel on his resignation of office.

no ministerial changes will be effected by the authority of the Crown but such as commend themselves to the judgment of Parliament. With regard to the appointment of the other members of the Ministry, the Sovereign has no authoritative voice in their selection; that duty is left to the Prime Minister, who chooses his colleagues, and then submits their names for royal approval. Of course, the expression of a strong personal feeling on the part of the Crown has great weight in excluding a person from office or including himat least for a time. Thus Fox was for a long time excluded from the Cabinet on account of George III.'s dislike to him. In the Ministry of Addington, in 1801, Lord Eldon became Lord Chancellor owing to the wish of George III. Mr Canning was for some time excluded from the Cabinet owing to the dislike of George IV. towards him. In 1828, on the formation of the Wellington Coalition Ministry, George IV. objected to receive Lord Grey into the Cabinet. And in 1835, the late Lord Brougham was not replaced in the office of Lord Chancellor, because he was personally displeasing to William IV. However, all considerations on the part of the Crown must ultimately yield to a regard for the public interests and the Sovereign must

HER RELATIONS WITH THE MINISTRY.

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be prepared to accept as his or her advisers those selected by the Prime Minister.

Should difficulties occur in the formation of a Ministry, the Queen can send for any peer or privy councillor for advice, whose counsel she might consider serviceable to her in the emergency. Thus, upon the resignation of the Russell Ministry in 1851, her Majesty sent for the Duke of Wellington, not for the purpose of intrusting him with the formation of a Cabinet, but that she might take counsel from him; and again, in 1852, upon the resignation of the Derby Ministry, the Queen sent for the Marquess of Lansdowne for a similar purpose. For all advice, however, so given, the peer or privy councillor is liable to be called to account by Parliament, should such advice be followed by consequences requiring parliamentary interposition. The Ministry once formed, the members of the Administration are formally appointed to their offices by the Queen, at a meeting of the Privy Council held especially for the purpose. They are introduced by the Prime Minister to her Majesty, and then receive the seals of office from the royal hands. It is always in the power of the Crown, acting through its responsible advisers, to dismiss from office a minister of state, and Parliament has

no right to interfere in such a case unless this prerogative has been exercised in an arbitrary manner. Thus, in 1795, Earl Fitzwilliam, when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, was recalled on account of having favoured a policy with regard to Roman Catholic emancipation which was embarrassing to the Government. The motives of the recall were demanded by Parliament, but the Ministry refused to enter into particulars, as the power of dismissing its servants without assigning any cause was vested in the Crown, and their determination was sustained by large majorities in both Houses of Parliament. The Prime Minister, on account of his being the proper medium of communication between the Sovereign and the Administration, owing to his position as head of the Government and the minister personally selected by the Queen, is bound to inform her Majesty of all events of political importance-such as decisions of Parliament on matters of public concern, and those of the Cabinet on public policy, and to take the royal pleasure thereupon. No important act of Government, committing her Majesty to a particular course, can be performed by ministers without the knowledge and consent of the Queen. Thus, in 1800, Mr Pitt, by neglecting this rule,

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HER CONTROL OVER THE GOVERNMENT.

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lost office and his King's confidence; and in our

own times, Lord Palmerston, in 1851, was removed & reséges
from the post of Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs on account of having written and sent to
its destination an important despatch without first
having submitted it to her Majesty. In minor
matters, the ministers have a separate discretion in
their several departments. As a proof of the effective
control which the Crown exercises over the govern-
ment of the country, every day despatch-boxes
containing official reports, correspondence, &c., are
forwarded to her Majesty for the royal approval or
signature from the offices of the Principal Secretaries
of State, and the Admiralty, and from the Prime
Minister. The consideration of these papers forms
an important part of the daily routine of the
Queen's labours. Till 1862, every separate com-
mission for officers of the army, marines, &c., was
signed by her Majesty; but that duty now devolves
upon the Commander-in-Chief and a Secretary of
State. Should circumstances occur rendering the
personal exercise of the royal functions incon-
venient or impossible, the powers of the Crown
may be delegated to commissioners or other sub-
stitutes, provided that a special authority under the
royal sign-manual be issued for the purpose. For-