Page images
PDF
EPUB

Mar. 22.-Mr. Richard Stuart Lake, Conservative, is re-elected to the Legislature of the North-West Territories.

Mar. 22.-Mr. George Malcolm Amable, Conservative, is re-elected to the Legislature of the North-West Territories.

April 1.-Mr. Henry Corby, M.P., Conservative, resigns his seat for West Hastings.

April 6.-Dr. Joseph Godbout, M.P. for Beauce, P.Q., Liberal, is appointed to the Senate of Canada.

May 11.-Mr. Alphonse Arthur Miville Dechenes, M. P., Liberal, is called to the Senate of Canada.

May 31.-Mr. Nemese Garneau, M.P.P., is appointed to the Quebec Legislative Council in succession to the late Hon. J. J. Ross.

July 9.-Lieut.-Col. T. B. Leys, M.P.P., Liberal, London, after resigning his seat is re-elected by a majority of 1,659.

July 20.-Mr. R. L. Richardson, M.P., for Lisgar, Man., Liberal, is unseated. Sept. 18.-Mr. Thomas Gifford is elected member of the British Columbia Legislature from New Westminster over the Hon. J. C. Brown, Provincial Secretary, by a majority of 52.

Oct. 31.-Mr. Joseph Lafferty, Liberal, is elected to the Quebec Legislature from Drummond, in succession to Mr. W. J. Watts, K.C., appointed Registrar for Montreal East.

Oct. 31.-Dr. Pilon, Liberal, is elected to the Quebec Legislature from Vaudreuil, in succession to Mr. Emery Lalonde, appointed Registrar for Montreal West.

Oct. 31.-Mr. Cyrille F. Delage, Liberal, is elected to the Legislature from Quebec County, in succession to Mr. Nemese Garneau.

Nov. 14.—Mr. John Lee, Liberal, is elected to the Ontario Legislature in East Kent, by acclamation, upon the death of the sitting member.

Dec.

Dec.

2.-Lieut.-Col. the Hon. E. G. Prior, M.P., Conservative for Victoria,

is unseated.

3.-The Hon. James T. Garrow, K.C., Liberal, is elected to the Ontario Legislature from West Huron, by 290 majority over Mr. Beck, Conservative.

Dec. 30.-Mr. Alexander Gibson, Jr., Liberal, is elected to the House of Commons for York, N.B., by a majority of 811 over the Rev. Dr. McLeod, Conservative.

Public Men and Im

perial Relations

upon

The utterances of Sir Wilfrid Laurier Canadian relations to the Empire during the year were of considerable importance. They included his eloquent speeches in the House of Commons upon the death of the Queen, the Accession Oath and upon the Bourassa antiWar Resolution.* His address at the banquet of the Osgoode Legal and Literary Society in Toronto, on January 9th, was a distinct contribution to the current discussion of Imperial questions. After pointing to the revolution which had occured in the relations between Motherland and Colonies during the past century, to the leadership which Canada had assumed in the Empire of to-day, and to the hopes of closer union which were prevalent, the Premier continued: "But it does not follow that we have come to the end of our relations with Great Britain. No one supposes the present relations are to last. What they are going to be is a problem which engrosses the minds of the ardent youth of this country and even of the thinkers of the country. We have seen on more than one occasion scholars, philosophers, politicians and statesmen assembled together

See Pages 217, 225 and 305 respectively.

The

to find, if possible, some practical issue for these fine aspirations in the hearts of the Colonists at the present time. All these attempts we know have been fruitless. Why? The answer is clear and simple. The present relations are satisfactory for the present time. The time will come in the more or less distant future, when, from the effect of our aggrandizement, the present relations will not continue to be satisfactory. Then the problem will present itself for practical solution. I have no doubt it will be found and will give full satisfaction to those aspirations of which I have spoken." London papers commented at length upon these views-notably the Times, the Chronicle and the Globe. The Premier followed up this utterance, on June 25th, with another speech addressed to the St. Jean Baptiste Society of Montreal. Canada, he declared, was "no longer a Colony, but a nation." It was a country of concord, harmony and peace, where two races were living side by side in the unique condition of having "fraternity without absorption, union without fusion." French and English valour in battle and ability in statecraft had been equally shown in its history. He concluded as follows:

I love my country because it resembles no other. I love my country because even in the difficulties which arise it calls forth the noblest resolutions, the strongest, the most generous qualities of man. I love my country above all because it is unique in the world, because it is founded on respect for rights, on pride of origin, on harmony and concord between the races who inhabit it. Our pride refuses to follow longer the beaten paths. Henceforth we must march along other roads and towards other horizons. Let us have in view only the development, the prosperity, the grandeur of our country. Let us keep in our heart this thought: "Canada first, Canada for ever, nothing but Canada."

During the year a large number of addresses were delivered throughout Canada dealing with Imperial topics.* Some of the principal speeches, not elsewhere referred to and treating of various phases of the subject, were those of Lieut.-Col. George T. Denison at Ottawa on February 13th, in Toronto on February 28th, in St. John on November 27th, and in Montreal on December 1st; of Dr. G. R. Parkin, C.M.G., at Orillia on February 22nd; of Mr. C. H. Lugrin at Victoria, on April 19th; of Principal Grant, of Kingston, at Toronto on May 14th; of Mr. R. E. Gosnell at Victoria in May-published in the Colonist of May 26th; of the Hon. James Young at Galt, on June 11th; of the Hon. David Mills at Highgate on August 29th (with articles in the August and September numbers of the Empire Review); of Mr. Rodolphe Lemieux, M.P., at Montreal on October 17th; of the Hon. George E. Foster at Toronto on October 25th; of Professor Shortt, of Kingston, at Toronto on November 29th; of Rabbi De Sola at Montreal, on December 8th.

Mr. Henri Bourassa, M.P., visited England in June, and the Daily News of June 13th contained a long summary of his anti-war speeches in the Canadian Parliament. On July 1st, the same paper published an interview with him, dealing with the subject of Imperialism, and to this the London Chronicle replied by quoting the Motion of

* Many of these will be found quoted from in connection with Preferential Trade and similar subjects.

March 12th, at Ottawa, for which the visitor could only obtain two votes besides his own. The Dublin Nation contained an interview with Mr. Bourassa, on August 2nd, in which he charged Mr. Chamberlain, Lord Minto and General Hutton-to quote that paper -with a nefarious scheme to force the Dominion into a war with which its people had no sympathy. On October 20th, Mr. Bourassa addressed an audience at Montreal, and denounced Mr. Chamberlain and Cecil Rhodes; expressed himself in favour of existing relations, and declared that independence would lead to annexation to the United States, but that the latter future was better than closer Imperial relations. In Le Pionnier of December 15th, he protested against the sending of a third Contingent.

One of the most frequent speakers in the Empire The Hon. G. W. Ross upon questions relating to its unity and progress during and Empire the year was the Hon. George W. Ross, Premier of Problems Ontario and one of the Liberal leaders in Canada. Toward the end of 1900-on December 27th-he delivered an eloquent tribute to the greatness of England and the loyalty of Canada at the Toronto banquet to Colonel W. D. Otter. "I said she has not fought much for conquest. She has fought much for liberty. Every land on which she has planted her standard has been a freer land from that moment onward. Every sea on which her ships have travelled has been freer to other nations of the world because a British keel has ploughed its way. Every nation over whom she has thrown a protectorate has grown in wealth, has grown in power and has grown in liberty. The touch of her hand is as the magic touch of some wizard power that quickens and re-animates and stimulates and incarnates; and in the march comes liberty, independence, human rights and the gospel of a common Christianity.' At the annual meeting of the British Empire League in Ottawa, on February 13, 1901, the Chairman read a letter from Mr. Ross in which he stated that "the largest question which is likely to be very soon within the arena of Imperial politics is Preferential trade within the Empire."*

On May 14th Mr. Ross addressed a meeting of the Toronto Branch of the League at considerable length. The speaker commenced by expressing the belief that a political federation of the Empire would involve a curtailment of the full measure of sovereignty now possessed by the countries of the Empire and this would not be acceptable to the people. "In a federated Parliament of the British Empire, Canada would be subject to the judgment of representatives from all parts of the Empire-that is from men who have no knowledge of our social conditions, of our national aspirations, or of the elements to be harmonized in the interests of the good government of the country." He then defined the Imperialism which the League sought to develop. It had nothing of historic autocracy or militarism about it. What we advocate is rather a change of attitude and sentiment than a change in the political

* See also page 140.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

conditions of the Empire or in the power and influence of the Crown." The rights of the Empire in a military sense must be maintained and agression repelled. "A military spirit for defensive purposes is absolutely necessary under any form of government, and the protection of the people's liberties and commerce must always be provided. To promote the unity of the Empire and to oppose its disintegration in even the slightest degree or respect is the policy of the League and the fundamental principle of Imperial citizenship.' He believed that in promoting Imperial unity they were also helping the expansion of popular government and the true principles of liberty. "If the right to enjoy as full a measure of liberty under the Southern Cross as under the shadow of Windsor Castle is once conceded then all reason for withdrawing allegiance from the Empire is removed. Geographical separation should be no barrier to national unity." Closer union with Great Britain would, he thought, widen the statesmanship of the Empire and all its countries. It would broaden the sympathies, enlarge the point of view and improve the judicial characteristics of Colonial statesmen. For nations to succeed, large conceptions and a buoyant belief in themselves were essential. "True statesmanship and mediocrity are incompatible."

In commercial matters, while not desiring to interfere with the right of buying in the cheapest market, it was proposed to project into the business relations of the various parts of the Empire the influence of sentiment. The investment of British capital in British countries, the emigration of British subjects to countries flying their own flag, the improvement of transportation between the countries concerned, were factors in this connection. "What the British Empire League desires is that the whole Empire should feel itself bound to consolidate its strength and to develop its resources by the mutual assistance of all its parts, the Imperial Government preferring trade with the Colonies, where available, to trade with alien nations; the Colonies preferring trade with the Empire, or each other, wherever such trade can be rendered profitable." Mr. Ross then proceeded to urge that the national spirit which had won an Empire and secured the supremacy of the sea should "organize on a large scale the transfer to Canada, or to other Colonies, of the greater portion of that large emigration which finds it way to the United States and South America." The duty of Imperialism was to make it clear to Great Britain that "the prosperity of the Colonies is her prosperity."

The problem of Preferential trade was then dealt with. Free trade for the Colonies was out of the question. It would crush their industries at once. Any change in Great Britain towards a Preferential duty for the Colonies must be very slow and its proposal would greatly disturb the working classes. But he was hopeful in the premises. "I am strongly of the opinion, even though we may have to wait some time before this change comes, that it will come sooner or later and that the necessities of the British revenue will require the British Government to act on the advice of Sir William Harcourt, and broaden the base of taxation.'" The value of a

Preferential tariff of this character to the Empire as distinct from individual Colonies-about which there was no question-would, he believed, be very great. It would stimulate trade and benefit British shipping interests. It would greatly strengthen the security of the food supply for Great Britain in time of war. It would strengthen the ties of Colonial relationship. It would stimulate the industries of the Colonies and trade would find it way to the market in which it was preferred. "It would satisfy the Empire."

[ocr errors]

At a

During the succeeding summer Mr. Ross visited England and delivered three important addresses upon Empire topics. luncheon given on July 15th, in honour of the Delegates at the Imperial Court of Appeal Conference, with Lord Avebury in the chair, the Premier of Ontario proposed the toast of the British Empire League. He declared his disbelief in the phrase " splendid isolation." The greatness of the Empire consisted rather in union and combination. He did not want representation in the Imperial Parliament, nor any change in the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The first business of the League was to develop a bond of loyal patriotism throughout the Empire. At a meeting of the Council of the League, on July 25th, Mr. Ross went elaborately into a discussion of the various problems facing that organization. Dealing with the question of political federation, he would not say that it was impracticable, but the time had certainly not come for Canada to press for a realization of the idea. It may come about in the process of time, but one cannot anticipate the evolution of great political questions." In any event he feared that it would involve the sacrifice of some of the elements or principles of Colonial self-government, and this could only be possible for the larger and more comprehensive interests of the Empire. But the subject was not a definite one at present. "We are satisfied in Canada with the Government of the Empire from Westminster; we are satisfied with the representatives of the Crown who have occupied a Vice-regal position in Canada since Confederation; and for the surrender of some of the privileges of self-government we are at a loss to see what great advantages would be gained." Even the establishment of a permanent Colonial Council in London was surrounded with difficulties. Upon the whole he thought the best policy was the present one of calling occasional Conferences of Colonial Delegates, when the ablest men of the Empire could meet and discuss questions upon which they had the opinion of their respective countries to some extent with them and known to them.

There were practical steps which should be taken. A uniform currency for the Empire would be a great convenience, as was the now existing uniformity in postal laws, and as a uniform insolvency system would also prove. Intercolonial Cable Communication with lower rates; reciprocity in the practice of the professions in their different countries; the direction of British emigration to the Colonies instead of to foreign lands; the fostering of Empire trade was desirable—as in pulp, which Great Britain should get from Canada instead

« PreviousContinue »