municated persons, i.e. Henry and his followers, and forbade the use of the Sclavonic Liturgy, but never asserted any political claim over him.7

1 Dudik, 1.c. pp. 287 seq. 350 seq. On the tribute (census) vid. Thomassin, l.c. n. 11.

2 Reg. 1. i. Ep. 38, p. 319, a. 1073.

Reg. 1. i. Ep. 17, 44, 45, 61, 78, pp. 299, 324 seq. 337, 351; 1. ii. Ep. 7, 8, 71, 72, pp. 367 seq. 422 seq.

L. i. Ep. 7, p. 367.

5 Dudik, l.c. pp. 352 seq. 423, 431-433.

L. vii. Ep. 11, p. 554.

Innocent III. (1. vii. Ep. 49, Migne. ccxv. p. 333) in 1204 recognised as king, at the request of Otho IV., the Duke of Bohemia, crowned by Philip of Swabia (who was not recognised by Rome as King of Germany), and confirmed (ib. Ep. 54, p. 339) the imperial privileges conferred upon him.

§ 4.

Swen, King of Denmark, made to Alexander II. the promise of a yearly tribute.1 In 1075, Gregory asked if he were still of the same mind, and as he desired a closer intercourse with the Holy See, recommended to him fidelity to the Church, and just government of his people.2 In his negotiations with Alexander II., Swen desired to make St. Peter his debtor, hoping thereby to obtain his special protection for himself and his kingdom.3 Gregory mentioned a rich province not far from Rome (somewhere in the south of Italy), which was in the possession of heretics (Saracens),5 and which he would give to a son of the king who was willing to fight for the Holy See. In 1077, he reminded Swen's son and successor of his father's loyalty, and recommended it to his imitation ; and later he wrote to censure the superstition of the Danes, but without making any demand beyond the most ordinary obedience to the Church. No trace of a claim to feudal sovereignty is to be found in Gregory's letters to the Kings of Norway and Sweden,8 nor in those to the Venetian republic.9

1 Baron. a. 1062. Jaffé, Reg. n. 3379, p. 330.

2 L. ii. Ep. 51, 75, pp. 402, 426, 427.

3 L. ii. Ep. 75, p. 426.

L. ii. Ep. 51, p. 403, v. fin.

On the sea coast, and near Rome, there were no heretics properly so called. Saracens must be meant. In Gregory's time 'infideles' were also called heretics. On the Saracens in Italy, vide Chron. Cassin. i. 43, 50, 53; Baron. a. 1016; Bianchi, l.c. § 13, n. 9, 10, pp. 349-351.

L. v. Ep. 10, p. 495 seq.

L. vii. Ep. 21, p. 563 seq.

L. vi. Ep. 13, p. 521; 1. viii. Ep. 11, p. 584.

9 L. ii. Ep. 39, p. 391; 1. iv. Ep. 26, 27, p. 482; 1. ix. Ep. 8, p. 613.

§ 5.

We know on Gregory's assurance that Spain, on the contrary, from old times belonged to the Holy See, and was tributary to her. It is very possible Gregory was in possession of documents that have been lost to us, and quite credible that from 588 to 712 offerings may have passed with regularity from Spain to Rome; for we know that Reccared sent rich gifts to St. Peter. Gregory's letters to the Kings of Arragon and Navarre,3 as well as to Alphonso of Castile, only speak of the faith and obedience due from all to the Church of Rome.5 The payment of a tribute can in this instance the less prove a feudal tie that it was always customary with the kings of this peninsula, from private devotion, to make their kingdoms tributary to some church or monastery; i.e. Alphonso of Castile chose the monastery of Clugny and Alphonso of Portugal that of Clairvaux. Before Gregory's pontificate, Count Ebulo of Racejo accepted from the Holy See the privilege of fighting against the Saracens in Spain, with the condition of possessing the territory he conquered from them under the authority of the Holy See, in return for a yearly tribute. Count Berengar of Barcelona relinquished to the Holy See (A.D. 1091) the town of Taracona, which he had taken from the Moors, and held it under payment of a yearly tribute; an arrangement accepted by Urban II. In this manner conquerors secured their claims from the encroachments of rival powers, whose attacks were forbidden by the Pope, and at the same time acquired a practically independent dominion. Gregory's dealings with Spain were mainly directed to the introduction of the Roman Liturgy and the restoration of a closer relation with Rome. During the reign of Gregory VII. Bertrand, Count of Provence, made over his county to the Holy See

as a free gift; and after his death the Genoese and Pisans, who had landed in Africa, extorted from the conquered Saracens a yearly tribute to be paid to Rome, 10

1 L. i. Ep. 7, ad Princip. Hisp. p. 289; 1. iv. Ep. 28, ad Hisp. p. 485. Gregor. I. 1. ix. Ep. 122 (al. vii. 127). Ep. Reccaredi ad Gregor. M. ap. Baluz, Miscell. 1. v. Cf. Roder, Tolet. Aep. 1. ii. c. xx.; Bianchi, 1.c. § 14, n. 1, 2, p. 352-354.

3 L. i. Ep. 63, p. 339; 1. ii. Ep. 50, p. 401. Mansi, xx. 622, P.ii. Ep. 3, p. 645.

L. i. Ep. 64, p. 340; Ep. 83, p. 355; 1. viii. Ep. 3, p. 577; 1. ix. Ep. 2, p. 604; 1. vii. Ep. 6, p. 549 seq.

* The 'servitium, quod B. Petro inde solebat fieri' (1. iv. Ep. 28), is not to be interpreted by the strict feudal law; but often means first-fruits or some similar tax. Bianchi, 1.c. n. 3, pp. 355, 356.

Annal. Cisterc. a. 1141. Petrus Ven. de Mirac. 1. i. c. ult. Thomassin, 1.c. c. xxxii. n. 9.

L. i. Ep. 7, ad Princ. Hisp. a. 1073.
Urban II. Ep. 6, 7. Mansi, xx. 648.

Jaffé, n. 4067. Thomassin, 1.c.

n. 8. Cf. also the note to Bossuet, 1.c. c. xiii. p. 112.

Cf. again 1. iii. Ep. 18, p. 448, Simeoni Ep.; 1. iv. Ep. 28, p. 484; P. ii. Ep. 70, p. 713.

10 Baron. a. 1081, n. 33; a. 1087.

§ 6.

The See of Rome had certain special rights over the islands of Corsica and Sardinia. Corsica is mentioned in ancient docu

ments as appertaining to the States of the Church;1 and Gregory rejoiced that, in 1077, it desired to return to the Roman Church. He appointed the Bishop of Pisa as his vicar in the island, recommending the people and clergy to render him obedience.3 Urban II., at the request of the Countess Mathilda, in 1091, confirmed this, with the condition of a yearly payment to the Lateran of a tribute of fifty pounds of Lucca coin. Gregory required from the governors of Sardinia a renewal of the old religious obedience and close relation with Rome, and wrote to them concerning various affairs of the island.5 It was a matter of no import, and merely an accidental circumstance, that the son of Demetrius of Russia desired to receive his kingdom from the hand of St. Peter."

1 Lib. Pontif. in Hadr. I. Cenni Mon. ii. 60, 61, 125. Records of the Othos and of Henry II. Leo III. in 808 speaks explicitly in the letter to Charles of the donation.

2 L. v. Ep. 4, p. 489. For about 189 years Rome had no power over the island. Limperani, Istoria della Corsica, Roma, 1780, ii. 2.

p. 8.

3 L. vi. Ep. 12, pp. 520, 521; 1. iv. Ep. 2, pp. 487, 488. Ughelli, Italia Sacr. iii. 369. Jaffé, n. 4066, p. 454.

5 L. i. Ep. 29, pp. 311, 312; Ep. 41, p. 322; 1. viii. Ep. 10, p. 583. L. ii. Ep. 74, p. 425. Cf. Pichler, Gesch. der Kirchl. Trennung, ii.

$7.

It is clear that all States in the Middle Ages were not equally dependent upon the Holy See. There was a universal subjection of States on matters of religion; but beyond this, in many instances a special subjection, founded on various titles, generally on the personal desire of the ruling prince. There would have been nothing to find fault with if the Popes, under existing circumstances, had endeavoured gradually to organise a system of States with the aim of insuring the freedom of peoples, the sovereignty of Christian principles, and the protection of the weak against the strong; a system which, maintained by the voluntary subjection of princes and peoples, would have turned all its advantages to their profit, and secured honour and stability to Christian principles as well as to individual States.1

However existing, traces are too incomplete, and single instances cannot be taken as proofs of vassalage. Mistakes easily arose, because the feudal system was the groundwork of almost all order, and any secondary authority was called vassalage.2 Certain is it that the Popes acted in this matter on no widespread, deep-laid, political scheme, inherited by one from the other; things took shape spontaneously, fashioned by impending dangers, by the spirit of chivalry, or by religious enthusiasm. William of Burgundy swore, in presence of Alexander II., of bishops, abbots, and a multitude of people, to draw his sword as often as necessity required, in defence of right and of the possessions of St. Peter;3 and many others did the same; they dedicated themselves to the Prince of the Apostles, or to some other saint, or to some holy place, and made themselves tributary thereto. This subjection served also to show that a prince placed under the protection of Heaven and of the saints was independent of any other earthly power. Gregory VII.

clearly points this out in his letters to Hungary. The Kings of Scotland appealed from the Kings of England and other rulers, saying that they were subject only to the Pope.5

1 Histor. Polit. Blätter, 1857, vol. xl. pp. 943-972.

2 Du Cange, Glossar. inf. Latin. v. Feudus. Likewise Hallam, Lingard, and others.

Greg. VII. 1. i. Ep. 46, p. 325.

Norway was dedicated to the king and martyr Olaf, and was subject to the archbishop (Raynald. a. 1073, n. 19). Godfrey of Bouillon was homo S. Sepulchri et Patriarchae; the Prince of Antioch was vassal of the Patriarch of that place. Willelm. Tyr. ix. 15 seq.; x. 4; xv. 12. Raynald. a. 1205, n. 37. Thomassin, l.c. c. xxxi. n. 15; c. xxxii. n. 1. Cf. also Fleury, t. xiii. 1. lxiv. n. 67; 1. lxv. n. 2; Michaud, Hist. des Croisades, t. ii. p. 10.

Thomassin, 1.c. n. 6, 15 seq. Rayn. a. 1299, n. 14, 17.

§ 8.

But it is said Gregory asserted, 'that for all time and in every place Christ appointed Peter prince over all the kingdoms of the earth." But other Popes said this before Gregory;2 and it may rightfully be said3 in reference to the universal office of pastor conferred upon St. Peter (St. John xxi. 15 seq.), unlimited as to place; to the power of the keys, in heaven and on earth (St. Matt. xvi. 19); and to the words of Jeremiah,* which have been referred to St. Peter.4 When Leo the Great said Christ made St. Peter prince over the whole Church,5 he was understood to mean that as all kingdoms of the world should belong to the Church, he was prince over all earthly kingdoms. In this sense St. Leo's words still stand in the Breviary, and they have never been taken to imply anything injurious to civil allegiance. The principle Gregory wished to enforce was, that all princes should acknowledge the sovereignty of Christ, and, not making their own will the supreme law, should be guided by the law of God, as announced to them by the successor of St. Peter. If,' wrote Gregory" in 1074, we should suffer princes to rule as they please, and to trample God's justice under foot,

See, I have this day set thee over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build and to plant.' i. 10.