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that the chief ruler, nay, any private man may lawfully be put to death without the chief's command, or that subjects may resist, conspire, or covenant against the supreme power; that ye by no means believe them, but instantly declare their names. He who approves of these reasons, will also like my intentions in writing this book.

Last of all, I have propounded to myself this rule through this whole discourse. First, not to define aught which concerns the justice of single actions, but leave them to be determined by the laws. Next, not to dispute the laws of any government in special, that is, not to point which are the laws of any country, but to declare what the laws of all countries are. Thirdly, not to seem of opinion, that there is a less proportion of obedience due to an aristocracy or democracy than a monarchy. For though I have endeavoured, by arguments in my tenth chapter, to gain a belief in men, that monarchy is the most commodious government; which one thing alone I confess in this whole book not to be demonstrated, but only probably stated; yet every where I expressly say, that in all kind of government whatsoever there ought to be a supreme and equal power. Fourthly, not in anywise to dispute the positions of divines, except those which strip subjects of their obedience, and shake the foundations of civil government. Lastly, lest I might imprudently set forth somewhat of which there would be no need, what I had thus

written I would not presently expose to the public. Wherefore I got some few copies privately dispersed among some of my friends; that discrying the opinions of others, if any things appeared erroneous, hard, or obscure, I might correct, soften and explain them.

These things I found most bitterly excepted against. That I had made the civil powers too large; but this by ecclesiastical persons. That I had utterly taken away liberty of conscience; but this by sectaries. That I had set princes above the civil laws; but this by lawyers. Wherefore I was not much moved by these men's reprehensions, as who in doing this, did but do their own business; except it were to tie those knots somewhat faster.

But for their sakes who have a little been staggered at the principles themselves, to wit, the nature of men, the authority or right of nature, the nature of compacts and contracts, and the original of civil government; because in finding fault they have not so much followed their passions, as their common-sense, I have therefore in some places added some annotations, whereby I presumed I might give some satisfaction to their differing thoughts. Lastly, I have endeavoured to offend none, beside those whose principles these contradict, and whose tender minds are lightly offended by every difference of opinions.

Wherefore, if ye shall meet with some things

which have more of sharpness, and less of certainty than they ought to have, since they are not so much spoken for the maintenance of parties as the establishment of peace, and by one whose just grief for the present calamities of his country may very charitably be allowed some liberty; it is his only request to ye, Readers, ye will deign to receive them with an equal mind.

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5. Of the causes and first original of civil government
6. Of the right, whether we consider it in an assembly or
in one person, which he hath who is endued with
supreme authority

7. Of the three kinds of government, Democracy, Aristo-
cracy, and Monarchy

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8. Of the right which lords and masters have over their servants

9. Of the right which parents have over their children, and of a kingdom paternal

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10. A comparison of the three kinds of government, each with other, according to the inconveniences of each

one

11. The places and examples of Scripture concerning the right of government, which make for proof of the foresaid doctrines

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CHAP.

12. Of the inward causes which dissolve all civil govern-
ment

13. Of the duties of those men who sit at the helm of state
14. Of laws and sins

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18. Of those things which are necessary for our entrance

into the kingdom of heaven.

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