Hearings, Reports and Prints of the House Committee on Foreign AffairsU.S. Government Printing Office, 1973 - Legislative hearings |
From inside the book
Results 1-5 of 100
Page 5
... course for Congress is to devise ways to bring to bear its extensive , policymaking powers respecting war at the outset , so that it is not left to fumble later in an after - the - fact attempt to use its appropriations power . This is ...
... course for Congress is to devise ways to bring to bear its extensive , policymaking powers respecting war at the outset , so that it is not left to fumble later in an after - the - fact attempt to use its appropriations power . This is ...
Page 13
... course we denied that we were trying to amend the Constitution , as Senator Goldwater claimed . We are restoring the Constitution . So , I do believe the debate did deal with the constitutional question . But , I will be wary of it ...
... course we denied that we were trying to amend the Constitution , as Senator Goldwater claimed . We are restoring the Constitution . So , I do believe the debate did deal with the constitutional question . But , I will be wary of it ...
Page 22
... course of bringing about a prompt disengagement from such hostilities . " Mr. DU PONT . Therein lies the problem . If you are repelling an attack on the United States , you would not want to be disengaging . Senator JAVITS . Of course ...
... course of bringing about a prompt disengagement from such hostilities . " Mr. DU PONT . Therein lies the problem . If you are repelling an attack on the United States , you would not want to be disengaging . Senator JAVITS . Of course ...
Page 25
... course of mankind . So , I don't think you can rely on that . Mr. BIESTER . I was thinking in terms of the Gulf of Tonkin resolu- tion which when the critical moment came for massive escalation of that war , one of the first acts the ...
... course of mankind . So , I don't think you can rely on that . Mr. BIESTER . I was thinking in terms of the Gulf of Tonkin resolu- tion which when the critical moment came for massive escalation of that war , one of the first acts the ...
Page 33
... course , " necessary and appropriate . " HOLDING THE PRESIDENT LEGALLY AND POLITICALLY ACCOUNTABLE The question of whether to expressly prohibit the President from initiating a preemptive nuclear attack was debated at some length . It ...
... course , " necessary and appropriate . " HOLDING THE PRESIDENT LEGALLY AND POLITICALLY ACCOUNTABLE The question of whether to expressly prohibit the President from initiating a preemptive nuclear attack was debated at some length . It ...
Contents
12 | |
22 | |
41 | |
65 | |
84 | |
175 | |
265 | |
285 | |
511 | |
519 | |
531 | |
8 | |
10 | |
31 | |
41 | |
291 | |
301 | |
377 | |
386 | |
392 | |
497 | |
503 | |
47 | |
61 | |
84 | |
90 | |
98 | |
105 | |
Other editions - View all
Common terms and phrases
30 days action amendment appropriate armed attack Armed Forces believe BICKEL BIESTER BINGHAM BROWER Cambodia Chairman China circumstances Collective Defense Commander in Chief commitment committee Congress congressional approval congressional authorization constitutionally consultation Court decision declaration of war developed DOLE Dominican Republic EAGLETON effect emergency executive branch fact FINDLEY foreign policy Foreign Relations FRASER Fulbright Hearings Government gress Gulf of Tonkin hostilities House Joint Resolution imminent threat involvement issue Javits bill judgment Korea limit MATSUNAGA ment military peace President President's authority Presidential power problem Professor proposal protect American provision question repel require responsibility REVELEY SCHLESINGER SEATO SEATO Treaty Senator EAGLETON Senator Javits situation South Vietnam Southeast Asia specific statement statute subcommittee supra note territory tion Tonkin Gulf Resolution Tonkin resolution troops United Nations veto Vietnam war vote War Powers Act warmaking powers weather modification ZABLOCKI
Popular passages
Page 390 - If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation, for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.
Page 53 - Congress approves and supports the determination of the President, as Commander in Chief, to take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression.
Page 55 - Each Party recognizes that aggression by means of armed attack in the treaty area against any of the Parties or against any State or territory which the Parties by unanimous agreement may hereafter designate, would endanger its own peace and safety, and agrees that it will in that event act to meet the common danger in accordance with its constitutional processes.
Page 443 - The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.
Page 43 - Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.
Page 390 - When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty ; because apprehensions may arise, lest the same monarch or senate should enact tyrannical laws, to execute them in a tyrannical manner.
Page 321 - These powers ought to exist without limitation, because it is impossible to foresee or define the extent and variety of national exigencies, or the correspondent extent and variety of the means which may be necessary to satisfy them. The circumstances that endanger the safety of nations are infinite, and for this reason no constitutional shackles can wisely be imposed on the power to which the care of it is committed.
Page 69 - The President is to be commanderin-chief of the army and navy of the United States. In this respect his authority would be nominally the same with that of the king of Great Britain, but in substance much inferior to it. It would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces, as first general and admiral of the Confederacy...
Page 46 - Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.
Page 436 - And you are to observe and follow such Orders and Directions from Time to Time, as you shall receive from this or a future Congress...