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BRITISH AND FOREIGN

HISTORY

For the Year 1808.

CHAPTER I.

Cursory View of the State of Affairs on the Continent-Account of his Majey's Speech-Debate on the King's Speech in the House of Lords-Proceedings on the same Subject in the Common-Notice to bring in a Bill to prevnt granting Places in Rever ion-Report on the Address, and His Majesty's Answer—Mr. Sheridan's Notice on the State of Ireland-Discussion on the Bill to prevent granting Places in Reversion: its progress and final rejection in the House of Lords--Orders of Council Thanks to the Officers commanding the Baltic Expedition-Committee of Supply-Speaker's Address to be Officers command ng in the Balic; and ib ir Refly-Mr. Ponsonby's Moion on the Copenhagen Expedition-The Duke of Norfolk's

Moon on the same.

ere this to have quietly placed on

THE political history ofe in the thrones of Spain and Portugal

teresting to those who take any concern in the events of the world, and in the various changes and revolutions to which the nations of the earth are subject. Hitherto the aspect of affairs on the continent has been favourable to that order of things for which we have been struggling for a series of years. The emperor of France has received such checks both in Portugal and Spain as he could not have anticipated: hoping unquestionably long

branches of his own family, or creatures adapted to execute his purposes, he must have felt no smail share of disappointment in being forced to receive his brother as a fugitive from the kingdom over which he had intended him to reign. His armies have, almost for the first time, been beaten and captured, in a measure, by raw and undisciplined troops, who have been excited to resistance and victory by a patriotism, which, if not

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In the hands of an overruling Providence, we doubt not that the lust of dominion, which actuates every motion of Bonaparte, will eventually be advantageous to the world. His very thirst after power, and the method which he has taken to render himself absolute over al most the whole continent of Europe, may, and we hope will, be the means of limiting his government, and of exciting in the different kingdoms and states over which he holds a temporary reign, those discussions that shall even tually be favourable to the best interests of man. Should Spain succeed in thwarting his views, and driving back his mercenaries beyond the mountains, the apparently natural boundaries of the two countries, it will be a lesson of the highest importance to other countries who have been ranked higher in the scale of intellect than Spain. It cannot, however, be expected that the Spaniards and Portuguese should effect their deliverance without a struggle; and it is hoped that they may calculate upon much evil as necessary to the establishment of their rights, as we do not, and they must not, imagine that their enemy will easily be baffled in his projects. They cannot suppose he will give up plans that he has once adopted, without sacrificing much treasure, and immolating at the shrine of his ambition thousands and thousands of his subjects. He, who never knew the ties of parental affection, will, to execute his purposes, deprive, without compas

sion or remorse, myriads of help less infants of their parents, the guides and the protecters of their lives.

We pretend not to anticipate the events of the remaining months of the year, but we hope, we ardently implore the great Ruler of the uni verse, that he may prosper the cause of those who are contending for their dearest rights, that he would bless the efforts that are making against the oppressions of the present ruler of France; and happy indeed shall we be, if the latter pages of this department of our volume be written in the language of exultation for successes obtained by our allies, and by our own armies who have gone forth in their support. As Englishmen, we have cause sufficient for humility, and just indignation at the convention made in Portugal; but we are quite sure that the abhorrence with which that is held by the whole country, without, we verily believe, a single dissentient voice, will for ever prevent a like stain from being impressed on the character of our military commanders. We would not, indeed, be hasty in censuring any man; we at present (October) are ignorant of the causes which led to the act, and therefore it would be unjust to assume any thing further than the hope that those who are guilty in the business may meet with punishment. The truth will scarcely be elicited till it be drawn forth in parliamentary discussion: those who have already for several weeks kept back the facts upon which the business is to be justified or condemned, will, no doubt, preserve the same dignified silence, as it has been termed, till the nation has, by its petitions and its representatives, demanded a full

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and explicit solution of all its difficulties, and a fair exposition of the motives which led to the very extraordinary terms granted to a vanquished enemy.

In a succeeding chapter we shall take a view of the state of the world at the commencement of the present year, and shall now proceed to a sketch of the debates in parlia ment, at least to those in which the reader will be most interested, and which are particularly connected with the political history of the year.

It was not till the 21st of January that the session of parliament was opened by commission, and his majesty's speech was read by the lord chancellor. This speech will be found at the commencement of the public papers: the greater part of it consisted in a recapitulation of the events that had occurred since the prorogation. It states that his majesty had been apprised of the enemy's intention, after the treaty of Tilsit, to force the neutral powers into cooperation against this country, and to employ the whole naval force of Europe for that purpose, and particularly the fleets of Portugal and Denmark. On this ground it justifies the proceedings relative to those countries. It mentions that the enemy's attempts to excite hostilities between his majesty and his late allies have been too successful with respect to Russia, Austria, and Prussia; and that the ministers from those powers have demanded and received their passports. It laments that his ma jesty has not been able to terminate the war with Turkey; but applauds the firmness of the king of Sweden in adhering to his alliance with this country. The speech then adverts to the rejection of the treaty of arity and commerce by the United

States of America; and on this subject it affirms. that "for an unauthorised act of force committed against an American ship of war, his majesty did not hesitate to offer. immediate and spontaneous reparation." It speaks of the pretensions made by the American government inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain, which his majesty is determined never to admit it nevertheless expresses a hope that the subsisting difficulties of discussion may be removed. It then alludes to the measure of retaliation which had been resorted to in consequence of the French decree of blockade, and which would require parliamentary aid for their full operation. To the house of commons the speech states such an increase in the produce of the permanent and temporary revenues, as lead to the hope that it may be possible to raise the supplies for the year without any material addition to the public burthens. It concludes with asserting, that the sole object of the war is the attainment of a secure and honourable peace, but which can only be negotiated upon a footing of perfect equality. The eyes of Europe," says the speech, "and of the world are fixed upon the British parliament. If, as his majesty confidently trusts, you display, in this crisis of the fate of the country, the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and face unappalled the unnatural combination which is gathered around us; his majesty bids us to assure you of his firm persuasion, that, under the blessing of divine Providence, the struggle will prove ultimately successful and glorious to Great Britain."

As soon as the speaker and the house of commous had withdrawn, and the speech was read according to the usual forms,

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The earl of Galloway rose to move an address of thinks to his majesty. He took an extensive and able review of all the topics alluded to in the speech, and, having gone over every material point, he concluded by saying, "But, my lords, our chief concern is with France, with whom some individuals would make a peace. I have taken the liberty, my lords, to write down some of her sentiments upon this subject, as described in what we may call her official paper, and wherein she informs you, conformably to her practice since the earliest periods of her evolution, of the conduct she means to pursue, and from which she has never varied .but from necessity alone. She proclaims, my lords, that she will not only not lay down her arms, but will augment her force, until she has conquered the liberties of the seas, the first right of all nations.' In recommending to us an armed truce, which she calls a peace, she says, It shall endure until she chooses to proclaim anew the principles of her armed neutrality, when she permits you to proclaim your principles of mari time law. Now, my lords, is this that which you are willing to accept as your peace? Have we already forgotten the peace of Amiens? Do we wish to see her seamen ali restored, and the pendants of her ships going up, when ours will necessarily be coming down? Never will I believe that the good sense of this country will entertain the idea of peace until moderation marks the conduct of this enemy, for his professions are not worthy of reflection. I am glad to see a great commercial city think like me, and I hope her opinions and example will be imitated by others. My lords, although the arms of

Europe may appear on the side of France, I cannot believe their hearts are against this country. If we remain firm and unappalled, as recommended by his majesty, and exemplified by himself, some balance may yet be preserved in Europe; if we yield, no man can see the consequences. Having now, my lords, though in a very inadequate manner, animadverted upon the prominent features of the speech, I shall conclude my address to your lordships in what may be termed a trite and common manner; but it is neither, on that account, the less appropriate nor required. I allude, my lords, to my hopes that I may receive the unanimous concurrence of your lordships to the address I am about to propose. Parliament was never assembled, my lords, at a period when the example of unanimity would be so beneficial; I therefore solicit it: to mark to the enemy, that we are unanimous in cur opposition to him; to manifest to the people of this country that we are unanimous when their first and most essential interests are concerned ; and to show to his majesty that undiminished respect and attachment, so much his due: to do our duty, my lords, in imitation of him, who, through a long, ar-. duous, but a glorious reign, has so conspicuously done his." His lordship concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which, as usual, re-echoed the sentiments of the speech.

Lord Kenyon seconded the address. He touched on the topics of the speech, as had been done by the noble mover; but he dwelt chiefly on that passage which related to the emigration of the court of Portugal to the Brazils, which he considered as a measure likely

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to produce the most beneficial effects to this country. He also adverted to our dispute with America, and applauded the spirit with which ministers conducted themselves in not surrendering the naval rights of the country to the claims of those people; and he concluded by hoping that the house, by unanimously voting the address, would show to the common enemy that they could hope nothing from a disunion in our domestic opinions. The question on the address being put,

The duke of Norfolk rose, and said, that he completely agreed with the noble lord who had moved the address, in thinking that there never was a more momentous period in the history of this country, nor one where it was more desirable that the most perfect unanimity should be preserved. Satisfied, however, as he was, of this, he was sorry that it would be impossible for him to give his unqualified assent to the address as it stood. There was one paragraph in it which he regretted it should have been deemed necessary to intro duce. It was that which regarded Denmark. The speech declared, that it was with the deepest reluctance that his majesty had found himself compelled to resort to the extremity of force against this power, but that he had the greatest satisfaction in congratulating their lordships upon the successful execution of this painful but necessary service. The noble lord who moved the address had introduced a paragraph joining in these congratula tions, expressive, however, of the paindul sensations which accompanied the adoption of the measures alluded to, and his conviction of the necessity of recurring to such theasures. Now, from looking in

the most careful manner to the speech, his grace did not perceive that it was in the contemplation of his majesty's servants to afford to the house any such information on the subject as should enable them to say, that they saw reason for concurring in the necessity of the measure. Without the production of a single paper, his grace thought it was going too far to expect of him, or of that house, that they should not only declare their conviction of the necessity of employing the fleets and armies of this country in seizing on the fleet of a friendly power, while laid up within the walls of their city, but should even congratulate government on the success of a measure so subversive of the established laws of nations. He was aware it would be said, that policy required that every species of discretion should be observed in exposing matters of such delicacy. The principle of this, or the propriety of acting up to it, in most instances, he was far from disputing; but he thought it was carrying the doctrine rather too far, to desire of that house to express their opinion of the necessity of a measure of so extreme a nature, without the most distant tittle of evidence to justify it. His grace concluded with moving that that clause be omitted.

Viscount Sidmouth concurred most sincerely with the noble lord who had moved the address, and with the noble duke who had just sat down, as to the very great importance of unanimity, and he found himself entitled to blame the conduct of ministers, who, by their mode of proceeding, had put it out, of the power of the house to give a proof of the r unanimity on the present occasion. When his lordship considered the mode, however,

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