We conceive that an addrefs upon fuch objects as are before us, and at fuch a time as this, muft neceffarily have a confiderable influence upon our future proceedings; and must impress the public with an idea of the general spirit of the measures which we mean to fupport. Whatever methods we fhall think it adviseable to pursue, either in fupport of the mere authority of parliament, which feems to be the fole confideration with fome, or for reconciling that authority with the peace and fatisfaction of the whole empire, which has ever been our conftant and invariable object, it will certainly add to the weight and efficacy of our proceedings, if they appear the refult of full information, mature deliberation, and temperate enquiry. No materials for fuch an enquiry have been laid before us; nor have any fuch been fo much as promifed in the speech from the throne, or even in any verbal affurance from minifters. In this fituation we are called upon to make an address, arbitrarily impofing qualities and descriptions upon acts done in the colonies, of the true nature and juft extent of which we are as yet in a great measure unapprized; a procedure which appears to us by no means confonant to that purity which we ought ever to preferve in our judicial, and to that caution which ought to guide us in our deliberate capacity. 2. Because this addrefs does, in effect, imply an approbation of the fyftem adopted with regard to the colonies in the laft parliament. This unfortunate fyftem, conceived with so little prudence, and purfued with fo little temper, consistency, or forefight, we were in hopes, would be at length abandoned, from an experience of the mischiefs which it has produced, in proportion to the time in which it was continued, and the diligence with which it has been purfued; a system which has created the utmost confufion in the colonies, without any rational hope of advantage to the revenue, and with certain detriment to the commerce of the mother country. And it affords us a melancholy profpect of the difpofition of Lords in the present parliament, when we fee the House, under the preffure of fo fevere and uniform an experience, again ready, without any enquiry, to countenance, if not to adopt. the fpirit of the former fatal proceedings. But whatever may be the mifchievous defigns, or the inconfiderate temerity, which leads others to this defperate course, we wish to be known as perfons who have ever difapproved of mea fures fo pernicious in their past effects, and their future tendency, and who are not in hafte, without en B 2 quiry quiry or information, to commit ourselves in declarations which may precipitate our country into all the calamities of a civil war. Lord Lyttel ton. Lord Lyttel ton. Duke of STANHOPE, December 1. The Lords waited upon the King with their address, to which his Majefty gave the following answer, My Lords, I thank you for your affectionate affurances of duty and loyalty. The zeal you exprefs for the fupport of the fupreme authority of the legislature, which I fhall conftantly maintain, is very agreeable to me; and your refolution to proceed with temper and unanimity in your deliberations, gives me the greateft fatisfaction, as it correfponds with the hearty concern I fhall ever have for the true interefts of all my people. Adjourned to December 6. December 6. The Peers having thought proper to clear their House on the 10th of December 1770, [See the Commons Debates of that year, page 79 to 84, 87, and 93 to 96] and not to admit even members of the House of Commons fince that time, except to deliver bills, and upon thofe occafions ordered them to withdraw immediately. The Commons in return [See the Commons Debates, above referred to] excluded the Peers from their House; and feveral inconveniencies having happened from this harsh treatment, Lord Lyttelton moved, to refcind the order excluding the members of the Houfe of Commons; with a view to restore a friendly communication between the two Houses. There was fome debate; the House divided, for the motion 28, against it 36. December 15. Lord Lyttelton moyed, that the order excluding members of the House of Commons might be difpenfed with. The Duke of Manchefter feconded the motion. His Grace Manchefter. faid, he particularly preffed it at this time, as a point to be defired even by minifters, that the public might be informed of the grounds on which they proceed in regard to the measures to be purfued refpecting America, whofe interefts are fo in-. terwoven with thofe of Great-Britain, that the attention of the people of this country cannot be too much awakened at this this truly important crifis. His Grace added, that he wifhed not only to admit the members of the House of Commons, but the Scotch and Irish Peers, and fuch other perfons as fhall be introduced by a Peer; each Peer to bring in one perfon. The Lord Chancellor acquainted the Lords, that he always Lord Chan looked upon himself as a fervant of the Houfe, whofe duty it cellor. was to fee their orders enforced; but that as it feemed to be the defire of many to relax their standing order in this point, he thought the civility due from one Lord to another thould induce the House to come into the proposal; which was accordingly agreed to without further debate. December 16. Nothing material. Adjourned to December 19. No de bates. December 22. Adjourned to January 20, 1775. January 20, 1775: This day the Earl of Dartmouth prefented to the Houfe copies of a great number of letters and papers from his Majesty's governors in America. [Copies of the fame letters and papers were prefented to the Houfe of Commons, and the reader will find them in page 31, &c. of the Proceedings and Debates of that Houfe; with all the fubfequent letters and papers, as they were prefented from time to time, during the feffion.] The Earl of Chatham. His Lordship began with cenfur- Earl of ing an eight weeks delay of communicating these papers, Chatbam. [alluding that the papers might have been laid before the Houfe at the beginning of the feffion] and the continuance of minifters deluding this country, with mifreprefentations of the colonies. He fhewed, that the fudden diffolution of parliament was upon that principle, of deceiving the people of England; every borough in the kingdom labouring under the old delufion. There were, he faid, two things which miniftry laboured to deceive the people in, and had perfuaded them to; first, that it was an affair of Bofton only, and that the very appearance of one fingle regiment there, would quiet every thing. He had foretold the falfehood of both; he was converfant with that country more, more years than perhaps any man; he knew the cause of Boston would be made the cause of America; he knew the mode of the military would not be effectual. The The manner of proceeding against Bofton, was a profcription of a people, unheard ;---unheard in any court, either in the common courts of juftice, or the higher, of parliament, in both of which, evidence of facts are ftated in proof of criminality; but the Americans were denied to be heard the people of America condemned, and not heard, have a right to refift. By whofe advice vindictive councils were purfued; by whofe advice falfe reprefentations were made; by whofe advice malice and ill-will were made principles of governing a free people :-all these are queftions that will be asked; he means no perfonal charge on any man farther than his mifdoings call for. There ought to be fome inftant proceeding towards a fettlement before the meeting of the delegates; his object was to put his foot on the threshold of peace, to fhew an intention of reconciling; he will, unless he is fixed to a fick-bed, he will attend this bufinefs throughout, till he fees America obtain what he thinks fatisfaction for her injuries; still attentive that it fhall own the fupremacy of this country. It would be his advice to his Majefty to end this quarrel, the fooneft poffible; his repofe was their duty; who by mifadvice had planted the thorn in his fide, by a conteft with a people determined on their purpose. Wishes to offer himself, mean as he is-but he has a plan; a plan of a fettlement; folid, honourable, and lafting. America means only to have fafety in property; and perfonal liberty. Thofe, and thofe only were her object; independency was falfely charged on her. He difclaims all metaphyfical diftinctions. The declaratory act leaves you a right to take their money when you please. He means to meddle with no man's opinion; and leaving all men to follow the plan of their own opinions of former profeffions, his plan is to establish for the American an unequivocal, exprefs right of not having his property taken from him but by his own affembly. Eight weeks delay admits no further hesitation, no not of a moment; the thing may be over; a drop of blood renders it immedicabile vulnus. Whether it can ever now be a true reconciliation, must be owing to the full compenfation that America fhall receive. Repeal the mutual ill-will that fubfifts, for it is not the repeal of a little act of parliament that will work peace. Will the repeal of a bit of parchment avail? Will, think you, three millions millions of people in arms be fatisfied by fuch a repeal? It must be a repeal on a principle of justice. There must be no procrastination; you are to a moment-now-inftantaneously: -Every hour, that a beginning is not made towards softening, towards healing! the very news of which might work wonders endangers the fixed liberty of America, and the honour of the mother country. The fuccefs and permanent effect of the best measures may arife from mutual good-will. His motion is part of a plan; and he begins with a proof of good-will.--His motion is "to addrefs the King to remove "the forces from the town of Boston.” His lordship was lavish in his praife of the congress, as more wife and more prudent than the meeting of ancient Greece. He mentioned Thucydides, with "your lordships "have read Thucydides," he mentions nothing of ancient ftory more honourable, more refpectable, than this defpifed meeting. The congress is treated harfhly. He wishes we would imitate their temper ;-firm indeed, if you please-but that congrefs was conducted with temper and moderation. I wifh our House of Commons as freely and uncorruptly chofen. The proceedings from hence arofe from ignorance of the circumstances of that country. The idea of coercion by troops, where they were not the natural resource, was wanton and idle. Anger was your motive in all you did-"What! fhali "America prefume to be free?-don't hear them, chaftife "them." This was your language, caftigat auditque-the fevereft judge, though he chaftifes, alfo hears the party. All the mifchief has arifen from your anger; from your not adapting your means to your ends; troops and violence were ill means to answer the ends of peace. I understand government is not altogether fatisfied with the commander of your troops; he has not been quick enough to fhed blood; his moderation is ridiculed; but I know that gentleman, an officer of long fervice, has acted prudently; it was want of wifdom to place an army there-I have heard of armies of obfervation, but this is an army of irritation. In the civil war of Paris, where those great men, the Prince of Condé, and Marthal Turenne commanded the two parties-Marshal Turenne was faid often to have been near the Prince. The Queen was angry; fhe did not fee why, when he was fo near the Prince, he fhould not take him; fhe was offended, |