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been dipt in some of the worst transactions of the Reign of Terror, and his name is found among the agents of the dreadful crimes of that unhappy period. In the days of the Directory, he is stated to have profited by the universal peculation which was then practised, and to have amassed large sums by shares in contracts and brokerage in the public funds. To atone for the imperfections of a character stained with perfidy, venality, and indifference to human suffering, Fouché brought to Buonaparte's service a devotion, never like to fail the First Consul unless his fortunes should happen to change, and a perfect experience with all the weapons of revolutionary war, and knowledge of those who were best able to wield them. He had managed, under Barras's administration, the department of police; and, in the course of his agency, had become better acquainted perhaps than any man in France with all the various parties in that distracted country, the points which they were desirous of reaching, the modes by which they hoped to attain them, the character of their individual leaders, and the means to gain them over or to intimidate them. Formidable by his extensive knowledge of the revolutionary springs, and the address with which he could either put them into motion, or prevent them from operating, Fouché, in the latter part of his life, displayed a species of wisdom which came in place of morality and benevolence.

Loving wealth and power, he was neither a man of ardent passions, nor of a vengeful disposition; and though there was no scruple in his nature to withhold him from becoming an agent in the great crimes which state policy, under an arbitrary government, must often require, yet he had a prudential and constitutional aversion to unnecessary evil, and was always wont to characterize his own principle of action, by saying, that he did as little harm as he possibly could. In his mysterious and terrible office of head of the police, he had often means of granting favours, or interposing lenity in behalf of individuals, of which he gained the full credit, while the harsh measures of which he was the agent, were set down to the necessity of his situation. By adhering to these principles of moderation, he established for himself, at length, a character totally inconsistent with that belonging to a member of the revolutionary committee, and resembling rather that of a timid but well-disposed servant, who, in executing his master's commands, is desirous to mitigate as much as possible their effect on individuals. It is, upon the whole, no wonder, that although Sieyes objected to Fouché, from his want of principle, and Talleyrand was averse to him from jealousy, interference, and personal enmity, Napoleon chose, nevertheless, to retain in the confidential situation of minister of police, the person by whom that formidable office had been first placed on an effectual footing."

The ninth and last chapter of the fourth volume treats of the campaign in which the battle of Marengo was fought, and closes with Napoleon's triumphant return to Paris from his second portentous irruption into Italy. The genius and dexterity of our author did not fail him when he reached the passage of the army over Mont St. Bernard, and had to evolve the combinations of the French leaders against the Austrian general Melas. We regret that we cannot cite particular passages, consistently with our limits. There are several traits of character, anecdotes, and opinions scattered through the two volumes, and for the most part favourable, which we should gladly repeat, if we had room for more than a few additional paragraphs. Certain strictures which have occurred to us as proper, on the style and sentiment of different passages in the four volumes which we have noticed, we reserve for our final survey of the work. On the whole, the author appears, in them, fair, sincere, and indulgent. He raises no new accusations against Napoleon, but defends him from seve

ral; for instance, from the common charge of personal rapacity during his first campaigns in Italy. He avers, that if the conqueror plundered the Italians as Cortez did the Mexicans, he did not reserve any considerable share of the spoil for his own use, though the opportunity was often afforded. He does not suppress the answer of Bonaparte to the offer of four millions of francs, for his private acceptance, made by the Duke of Modena's brother and envoy-"I thank you, but I will not, for four millions, place myself in the power of the Duke of Modena." A present of seven millions tendered by the Venetians, and still larger bribes proffered by Austria, were rejected in like manner. In relation to this imputation of an "itching palm," a curious piece has been lately given to the world. We refer to a confidential report to the Directory, dated Milan, 7th Dec. 1796, from General Clarke, afterwards Napoleon's favourite minister of war, but who was then the secret agent, alias chief spy, of the Directory, at the head-quarters of the army of Italy. We presume that Sir Walter's fourth volume was finished before this document appeared; for, otherwise, he would have availed himself of its tenor. Acknowledgments are made in it of gross malversation, serious discord, and an increasing immorality among the commissaries and other functionaries; but the general-in-chief is fully acquitted. As we have been occupied with his first exhibition on the theatre of Italy, and as whatever places his conduct and character while he was there in strong and just lights, must be deemed relevant and interesting, we shall, before we conclude, submit to our readers the subjoined version of that section of General Clarke's Report which is devoted to Bonaparte exclusively:

"THE GENERAL IN CHIEF.

"This general has rendered the most important services. He proves himself to be worthy of the glorious post which he fills. He is the man of the Republic. The fate of Italy has several times depended on his skilful and scientific arrangements. Every one here looks upon him as a man of genius; and he is so in fact. He is feared, beloved, and respected in Italy. All the little arts of intrigue miscarry before his discernment. He maintains a great ascendancy over the individuals who compose the Republican army, because he apprehends or divines instantaneously their characters, or thoughts, and directs them unerringly to the ends which they are best adapted to promote. A sound judgment and clear perceptions, enable him to distinguish what is true from what is false. His coup-d'œil is sure; his determinations are pursued by himself with energy and vigour. His coolness in the sharpest engagements and most trying conjunctures, is as remarkable as his extreme promptitude in altering his plans when

unexpected circumstances require it. His mode of execution is scientific and thoroughly studied."

"Bonaparte can move with success in more than one career, by means of his superior talents, and his acquirements. I believe him to be attached to the Republic, and ambitious only of preserving the glory which he has earned. It would be a mistake to suppose him a party-man. He belongs neither to the Royalists, who calumniate him, nor to the anarchists, whom he dislikes. The Constitution is his guide. Adhering, as he will, to it and to the Directory, who wish its preservation, I believe that he will be always useful and never dangerous to his country. Do not imagine, citizen directors, that I speak of him from enthusiasm-I write dispassionately, and have no interest in the case but that of apprizing you of the truth. Bonaparte will be classed by posterity with the greatest of men." "I have ascertained here that the commissary of the government, Garreau, did not mean to implicate the general in any suspicion of a want of probity. Bonaparte is too mindful of his fame, too indifferent to little things, to be occupied with the idea of enriching himself. The persons with whom I have conferred on the subject, such as citizen Garreau and General Berthier, have confirmed me in this opinion. The intendant-commissarygeneral, Deniée, who passes here for a very upright man, has expressed himself, in my hearing, to the same purport. I have myself questioned Bonaparte on this head: he has answered me in a manner that seemed to me perfectly frank, and fitted to extinguish all suspicion. He appeared not to be ignorant that some individuals had profited too much by the conquest of this country; but I believe that he yields to those whom he suspects, only the degree of esteem which they deserve for other more useful qualities."

"I have heard it surmised here, that the commander-in-chief of the army of Italy had employed secret proxies in contracts and purchases; and that C- was his man. I have not had leisure to investigate fully these charges. I have, however, looked into them, and they have appeared to me to be groundless. The intendant-commissary Leroux, whom the minister of war has sent into Italy, has in his hands the accounts of C—, which are clear and exact on the face of them, but which he will unsparingly scrutinize."

"Some military chests have been carried off in an irregular manner. I know that General Bonaparte has disposed of the contents of some, for public purposes; and particularly those which General Massena has displaced, and of which a part has been applied to the payment of the army expenses during the march, and the residue employed in certain gratifications, which the commander-in-chief thought it his duty to bestow upon different

officers, and in compensations for espionage. General Berthier has assured me that vouchers and details can be produced when necessary."

"If General Bonaparte had been guilty of peculation or waste, I would remind you, citizen directors, of Marshal Villars's one hundred thousand crowns for vinegar contracts; for, it would be difficult to find a substitute for Bonaparte in the post which he fills; but I do not believe that he has sinned, and he cries out too loudly, and takes too vexatious measures, against rogues, not to be aloof from their recriminations."

"He has been accused of interfering in the administrative or commissariat department; this is true, but he did so because the commissaries of the government provide for nothing; because the bad health, perhaps the moral weakness, of the commissary general, prevent him from keeping in action a machine so vast and ill-contrived as the commissariats of the army of Italy. Let able men be placed over them, and the commander-in-chief will never meddle with their details. I have this assurance from himself."

"General Bonaparte is not, however, without faults. He does not enough spare those with whom he has to deal; he does not always speak to the members of the army who approach him, with the temperance which becomes his character. Sometimes he is harsh, impatient, precipitate, or haughty. Often, he exacts difficult things, with too much quickness of manner; and the style in which he requires to be done what may be good, prevents the persons who transact business with him, from suggesting to him means of accomplishing something better than he himself proposes."

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