of the causes and policy of the congress of Panama, and of the expediency of the United States taking part in it-a fruitful subject, into which we have neither room nor leisure to enter at present. It may be sufficient to observe, that the author expresses himself warmly in favour of the course pursued by the present administration in this respect.

The ninth chapter is entitled "Fiftieth Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence,-Death of Messrs. Adams and Jefferson," and, as the title indicates, is principally devoted to a subject upon which much has been written, and a great deal more said. There is nothing very striking either in the reasoning or the rhetoric of our author's eulogies upon the great patriarchs of our Israel. He concludes them, indeed, with an observation, which well deserves to be repeated:

"Compare now the splendid talents, the sublime and simple virtues, the ardent and unwearied devotion to the public, the noble disinterestedness, the blameless youth and divine old age of these men, with what we know of the politicians and generals of modern Europe in their best estate; and say whether there be not something in popular institutions that seems to favour specifically the growth of public virtue."

Then follows a proposal, rather more poetical than practical, for the purchase of Mount Vernon by the government of the United States, and its consecration to the memory of our distinguished patriots. The scheme is minutely delineated, with all the fondness of parental care, and the anticipations of the author are such as almost to provoke a smile. For instance:

"Under these circumstances, the resort to the spot would probably be much greater than it has ever been before; and it would gradually come to be regarded as a sort of sacred ground, like the plains of Elis in ancient Greece, where the Olympic games were celebrated at the end of every four years. Mount Vernon too would perhaps be made the theatre of public rejoicings, upon our great national festival. The citizens of the neighbourhood would naturally meet there upon that occasion; and as the importance of the day was more and more felt, and the reverence for our political fathers went on increasing, as it will, from year to year, it would not be singular if many of the most respectable persons from all parts of the country should avail themselves of that opportunity, (the season being favourable for travelling,) to visit the place. The festivities would probably be continued for several days, and accompanied by devotional and literary exercises, poems, plays, orations, and other entertainments of all descriptions."

In Chapter X. and last, the author delivers his sentiments on "the prospects of America and its influence on the fortunes of the world," of which we have left ourselves no room for an analysis. His anticipations are in the same strain with the preceding parts of the work. They are cheering and patriotic, and withal, we think, likely to be realized.

The language employed in the instance we are about to mention, was not, we trust, intended to bear the construction it will naturally receive. In a note to page 270, the author, observing upon the system of Mr. Owen, as attempted to be put in practice at New-Harmony, uses this phraseology:--

"Mr. Owen is perhaps injudicious in attempting to connect with his economical improvements, a complete reform in religion and government,” &c. The complete reform in religion" here alluded to, consists in the utter abandonment and reprobation of the whole system of the Christian faith-in a contemptuous rejection of the Bible, Old and New, as a tissue of fables and falsehoods; and in the denial of the providence of God and a state of future retribution. The doctrines of this reformer, with respect to private property, are hardly less mischievous. Such are the projects which our author thinks are "perhaps injudicious;" and respecting the framer of which, he remarks:

"It is but justice to this gentleman to add, that his intentions are evidently of the most benevolent character"!

We have thus given a pretty full, and, we believe, fair abstract of the Citizen's volume; and we shall venture to add a few detached and cursory remarks, which, on looking over the work again, our critical duties seem to require.

We have had occasion more than once to observe upon the tenderness of the author's sentiments towards Mr. Canning, and the facility with which he appears to have yielded his entire confidence to the declarations of that ingenious politician, when he has done this country the honour of a civil speech. It strikes us, that the author has erred as widely from the true line in his views of lord Castlereagh's character, as in his unqualified commendation of Mr. Canning. No one can deny to the latter the possession of ample and richly endowed intellect, great political sagacity, and a lofty personal character. But it must not be forgotten, at the same time—at least by writers of other countriesthat Mr. Canning is exclusively and avowedly a British statesman, and that he takes care to manifest his devotion to what he considers the peculiar interests of England, on all occasions, legitimate and illegitimate, and his contempt or aversion for the institutions or policy of other countries, by pungent sarcasms and bold egotistical bravadoes. Our state papers teem with evidence of his actual feelings towards this country, more conclusive, we think, than any set speech at a Liverpool dinner. The flippancy of the tone of some of his diplomatic letters, and the poorly disguised sneer in others, should, it seems to us, serve to moderate the anxiety of an American writer to domesticate him among our well-wishers. On the other hand, lord Castlereagh, whatever were his faults, was not justly chargeable with rudeness towards foreign nations. The suavity of his address, and the general mildness of his tone, gained friends every where for his country. Towards the United States, especially, he was always amicable and obliging; and, we believe, few of our diplomatic agents had occasion to complain of his spirit or manner. He professed, it is true, no extraordinary attachment to liberal insti

tutions, but then he never outraged them by heartless witticisms. As a statesman, he possessed some eminent qualifications. In the House of Commons he was an excellent manager, and occasionally treated the political situation and history of Europe with almost unrivalled ability. Until lately, Mr. Canning has made a point of avowing, on all occasions, that he did no more than tread in the footsteps of his predecessor. The merits of lord Castlereagh are, we think, greatly underrated by the author of " America." Certainly the allusion to the mode of his death is in the last degree unseemly. We are greatly mistaken, too, if it be not found hereafter, that this country has gained nothing by the elevation of the present premier.

In Chapter X. (p. 337,) we find the opinion advanced with considerable earnestness, that Russia is destined to ingulf the whole continent of Europe. We have no great confidence in our own prophetic vision, but we see nothing to warrant this belief; at all events, the author's reasons are by no means conclusive. Truly, we cannot agree with him in the doctrine so strenuously maintained in his first work, (" Europe,") that the domination of Russia would be a benefit to the continent and mankind! The theory of our author, in this respect, is of the same pattern with that touching the validity and value of the union between church and state, to which we have adverted in a former page.

In a note to page 342, the author takes occasion to refer to a work entitled "New Ideas on Population, with remarks on the theories of Godwin and Malthus, by A. H. Everett," which appears, in fact, to give little support to its title-page, since it is acknowledged to be no more than "a defence of the old and common opinion against a modern paradox." The theory of Malthus, we think, remains unshaken. Some of the "New Ideas" in the present work, are, we believe, also of respectable antiquity. Two or three of them, as we have already suggested, have been put under ground by the common consent of the age; and we see no reason why they should be allowed to "revisit the glimpses of the moon," to the alarm of well-disposed politicians.

Among the results of the general progress of this country in improvement, the author introduces the subject of religion. We hardly know how to understand him on this point. His singular remark respecting the avowed infidelity of Owen, has already been noticed. In page 354, he professes to believe that the "veneration now so universally entertained for our faith will probably increase rather than diminish;" but, he is pleased to add, that "as all the forms under which it is professed, are in a greater or less degree mixed up with error, they may be expected to undergo various alterations." He then takes up the principal sects seriatim:

"Will the Roman Catholics," he asks, "who are now very active in many parts of the country, who have lately made proselytes, even in the heart of orthodox New-England, who have their College of Jesuits at Washington, and at times their deputies in congress, continue to advance, as they fondly expect, until they have reclaimed us all from our wanderings, and gathered us into the folds of holy mother church?"

Now, we take upon ourselves to say, that it never has happened to any sane Roman Catholic, to believe in the practicability of making proselytes of all the inhabitants of this country. The exertions of that communion, in this respect, bear no comparison with those of other societies. They have no college of "Jesuits," properly so called, at Washington, as is stated in this passage, nor have they, as a sect, any deputies in congress." Many Protestant clergymen have held seats in this body; and we can perceive no valid reason why a minister of the Roman Catholic faith should be excluded, or the appearance of one in it so specially noted.

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Next comes the "Church of England," or, to use its proper name, "the Protestant Episcopal Church," which the author, with surprising ignorance of its history and condition, appears to consider as hardly at home on this soil." If he had taken proper pains to inform himself, he would have learnt that no society of Christians has given stronger evidence of entire adaptation to our soil, institutions, and manners; and no one has increased more rapidly, or manifests more unequivocal signs of prosperity. We need not refer to evidence in support of this position, which must be familiar to all our readers.

"Finally," he says, "is it possible, that from the midst of the chaos of conflicting sects, some new form of the common faith may ultimately spring up, more consonant to the real sense of scripture, and better accommodated to practical uses than any now existing?"

We do not profess to have discovered his meaning in this passage, but leave it to our readers to decypher, if the task be. possible.

The style of this work is generally easy and not inelegant. There are, however, some instances of flippancy, which, though tolerable in a newspaper or review, do not become a solemn book from a grave diplomatist: examples may be found in pages 54, 116, and 357. There is a good deal, too, of commonplace pamphleteering, and much mere declamation on well-established truths, which, whether the book was written for Europe or America, might very well have been spared. To the soundness and value of some of the opinions advanced, we have borne willing testimony. Upon the whole, if the author will condense a little more, and write from Europe and not at Europe, we shall be glad to see an additional work of his pen.

ART. X.-Mémoires ou Souvenirs et Anecdotes par M. Le Compte de Ségur, de L'Académie Française, Pair de France, &c. 3 vols. Paris et Londres, 1827. Memoirs, Recollections, and Anecdotes, by Count de Ségur, of the French Academy, Peer of France, &c. 3 vols. London and Paris, 1827.

THERE is, perhaps, no individual of the age, from whom more entertaining and instructive Memoirs might be expected, than the Count de Ségur; to whose prolific vein the world is indebted for the three volumes upon which we are about to bestow some attention. We could not indicate a man that has seen the loftiest society, and the most brilliant and imposing business of life, under better auspices, or a greater variety of forms; or who, from the nature of his literary habits and tastes, and the vivacity of his character, would be deemed more able to describe all that he had observed, and to furnish a rich stock of anecdotes and reflections. Born in France, in 1753, in the reign of Louis XV., and sprung from an illustrious race, he has passed through the most interesting and splendid scenes of the old and new régime; associated with the rulers, warriors, and philosophers of the old and new schools respectively; and intimately known several of the crowned heads, the plumed generals, and the exalted ministers, whose names filled the trumpet of fame, and whose operations swayed the destinies of Europe, during the last half of the eighteenth century. He includes in the list of his acquaintance, Washington, Kosciusko, Lafayette, Napoleon, Catherine II., Frederick the Great, Joseph II., Gustavus III., Mirabeau, and indeed almost every cotemporary politician or author of chief notoriety and influence. The variety of pursuits into which he has been successively cast, is as remarkable in itself, as it is propitious to his present scheme of publication.-"Fate decreed," says he, in his introductory chapter, "that I should be a colonel, a general officer, a traveller by land and sea, a courtier, the son of a minister of state, an ambassador, a negotiator of treaties, a prisoner, a farmer, a soldier, a poet, a dramatic author, an historian, a writer for the journals, a deputy, a counsellor of state, a senator, a member of the French Academy, and a peer of France." He was educated like all the higher French noblesse of his day; first taught the classics in reverend colleges; introduced too soon into the fashionable circles; invested with a commission in the army; indulged in every freak of levity and extravagance; involved in foolish duels, and accomplished in intrigues of all kinds. They studied the most liberal or latitudinarian doctrines, in both religion and politics; affected English fashions and opinions; ridiculed ancient prejudices and customs, while they cherished fa