anxious to postpone it to less dangerous times. However, the patriotic resolutions adopted by this meeting justified Mr. Alcock's assertion, "that Mr. Thornton had, in some measure, neglected his public duty, by not adopting the candid, manly, and honourable address recommended by Mr. Wardle and the 124 independent members, by whom that distinguished patriot was supported."

MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF REFORM AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN.

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This grand patriotic dinner, which had been previously announced by advertisement, had made such an impression on the public mind, that within two lays antecedent to the time, a ticket for the same could not be procured at any price whatever consequently it exceeded in num ber and respectability any of the kind ever remembered. When the doors were opened, the great room was filled in an instant; and the approach of Mr. Wardle and Sir Francis Burdett was welcomed by incessant peals of applause, till those illustrious patriots had taken their seats. Dinner being over, and Sir Francis in the chair he proceeded to open the business of the meeting,

which he considered as a matter as interesting to the security of the throne, as it was to the liberties and happiness of the people. The subject was that of a Parliamentary Reform, of the necessity of which the gentlemen present were too well convinced to need any argument from him. He felt a difficulty in explaining the necessity of a Parliamentary Reform, because that was a selfevident proposition-it was like proving that day was day; but the propositions were so evident, that they could not be illustrated by example. Many persons had declared themselves friends to Reform in general terms, but had found it difficult to come to any precise determination; they would not, therefore, determine on what they thought fit to be done. He desired the company to consider what they would feel if a number of persons were to go down into the country among the proprietors of large landed estates, and to méet together, and to insist on their having the management of those estates, whether the owners choosed them or not. This he considered to be the condition of the majority of the present House of Commons; and that such a condition of things required amendment, was a proposition much too plain for argument. He recommended to the meeting a perusal of the Report which was made of the state of the representation in the year 1793, by a society called "The Friends of the People,"

and by which it appeared that 154 individuals returned a majority of the House of Commons. From such a state of representation much evil was to be expected, and much indeed had been lately exposed by the persevering exertion of his friend, Mr. Wardle, to whom the country was infinitely indebted for the discovery of so many abuses, and which had more effect than all the Reports of Commissioners to disclose any of them. All this, he maintained, led to a Reformation in Parliament. It might be asked, what did the friends of reform want ?-the answer was, They did not seek for innovation; they claimed nothing but their ancient rights, for which their fore-fathers bled, and transmitted to their children the inheritance. The principles laid down in Magna Charta-the Petition of Rights-and the Bill of Rights. The Act of Succession, too, recognized all these rights and liberties of the subject;-principles on which, and on which alone, the present family was placed upon the throne; and they were the only principles which the present meeting was held to promote ;-principles for an opposition to which King James the Second had been driven from the throne, and another family bad been allowed to ascend it. He then took notice of the effect of modern corruption, and instanced the case of Lord Castlereagh, who had attempted to barter a writership

in India for a seat in the House of Commons, and particularly of the defence which has been set up for him by his colleagues-that he had not been able to accomplish the act of corruption which he had began. This reminded him of the case of a man of the name of Colonel Chartres, who, after leading a life of great infamy, was at last condemned to death for that of which he was not guilty; and it was said of him, that his fate was extraordinary, for that every day he lived he did something for which he deserved to die, but still escaped, and was at last convicted of a crime which he had not the power to commit, he being at a very advanced age found guilty of a rape! He contrasted this case of Lord Castlereagh with that of a person of the name of Ham lin, who was convicted of offering a bribe to Mr. Addington, then Chancellor of the Exche quer, now Lord Sidmouth, by which he was entirely ruined. He noticed also the severe sentences which many other persons groaned under in prison, and have done so for years, for crimes less dangerous to society than that of which Lord Castlereagh, a Minister of State, had been admit. ted to be guilty. He took a view of the case of the Duke of York, and observed, that the public were generous with regard to him, as well as every branch of the Royal Family, of whom he maintained the Prince of Wales to be by much the

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most of an Englishman, except our illustrious Sovereign himself. He had no hesitation in saying, that the people of England did not look with the same critical eye on the foibles of the Royal Family as on those of other persons, and they would overlook many faults in that quarter, if they were allowed in other respects the benefit of the constitution. He was glad to find that his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales stood entirely free from all suspicion of connection with any of the late unfortunate transactions which have been brought to light. He complimented country gentlemen for their patriotism, and particularly Mr. Coke, of Norfolk, and wished the defence of the country to be left to such persons, and their tenantry in general; and condemned the practice of giving commands of any forces for the defence of this island to foreigners. He wished to see the plough and the sword held by the same hand, as far as regarded the defence of the country. In a word, he asked no more for the people of England than what a loyal people might expect, and what à just, upright, wise, and munificent king might grant.

› Sir Francis Burdett called attention, and said, "Gentlemen, I beg leave to give you for a toast that person who is most interested in the measure which we are met to promote

"The KING, and the 'principles which seated