ambition, and refuse to roll in that profusion which is heaped upon those, who "bask in the sunshine of favour, and fatten upon the people's. vitals." They would then form some estimate of the extent of those sacrifices, which these truefriends of the country also make, in exposing themselves to the numbers, the influence, and the enmity, of those in power; and to the calumny of their creatures, by whom their characters and their dearest connections are continually exposed to all the ingenuity of malice and slander; and to an ordeal of investigation, which is seldom restrained within the limits of decency or truth! Besides, if the more upright doctrine of the true friends of Reform was to be followed, that is, "for the people to seek the representative, and not for him to seek the electors," bribery on each side would then inevitably be out of the question. But the question now is, will the people in gene, ral exert the means already in their hands? This is, perhaps, a matter of very serious doubt. Has any moral or material change taken place in the character of the mass of the English nation within the last half century? This has been repeatedly asserted both by politicians and divines. The friends of the present men in power go so far as "that the whole mass is corrupt; but that

to say,

no one will deny; but it is still to be doubted, whether the great mass of people, as they are pleased to say, are less pure than themselves. This would indeed be alarming. However libertines and experimental politicians may be disposed to smile, we certainly stand upon an eminence rather dangerous, "When corruption is found glorying in corruption!!!"

The times are new; the manners are new; and certainly the morality, if such it can be called, is new also. Therefore the enemies of Reform, borne down by recent and existing enormities, are extremely tender when any thing like a resemblance or recollection of better times is brought upon the tapis.

By a kind of political priestcraft, they seem to prohibit the use of reason or comparison among the people. But Sir Francis Burdett, in particular, having no fear from the result of examination or contrast, insists upon the purity of former times, the more strongly to display the corruption of the latter. This may, in some degree, answer Mr. Windham's question to the Hon. Baronet, "Why he should be perpetually referring to the purity of past times?"-"Why deny that any good can ever be expected, unless some change takes place ?"

It is worthy of particular notice, that since the advocates for corruption in the House of Commons have been exposed by the joint efforts of

Mr. Wardle and his friends; and since the former have been driven from one subterfuge to another, till they were compelled to avow and even defend the corruption so detected and exposed, some of the parliamentary orators, not being able to conceal its existence, have endeavoured to remove its origin from the members and the upper ranks of society, and to fix it upon the lower orders. It was at first denied, then admitted, then shifted. But why this prevarication? Is it to get rid of any idea of a change in the system? The plaguesore,. Mr. Windham and others allow, is in the house; but it is not in the drawing-room, nor in the dining-room; it is in the kitchen, and in the scullery. It originated with the servants, and not with the masters; and with them, they say, it must abide. Now, without any unfair reasoning or irrelevant inference, the degeneracy of a nation is more chargeable to its government and to the great, than to the people at large; just as the heads of a family, badly brought up, are always held more censurable than the branches. If greediness of gain, for instance, predominate among the rich and great, are not the poor on their part compelled in a manner to adopt the very same vices, as means of defence to be used for their own self-preservation.

Still, to flatter the people would be equally as criminal as to flatter the higher orders. The

people, at present, are by no means "the sink and hot-bed of vice and corruption;" nor yet the sole proprietors of public virtue: but, until they are known to be in possession of their share of this valuable qualification; that is to say, till the majority of electors are willing to follow the example of those of Westminster and other places, in choosing their representatives without fee or reward, the present men in power will have no occasion for alarm. Those who impute all our misfortunes to the venality of our representatives in parliament, should be asked how it is possible they should possess more virtue than their constituents, who are often more ready to sell their votes, than the former are to purchase them! How many electors constantly decline voting at all, till an offer is made them! Is this the fault of the candidate? Or, is the constitution of the present state of society, such altogether, that no material change can be effected in any part of the system ?

Then it is clear that no removal of the men in power would answer any good purpose. The object of a mere change of ministers is accordingly disavowed by Mr. Wardle and his friends.

And it is a fact undeniable, that unless the disinterested endeavours of these gentlemen are supported by the virtue of the people without, all their efforts within must fall to the ground. The

"statesman, who once calculated "that unless the Commons reformed within, the people without would reform with a vengeance," would find his calculation unfit for the present meridian of affairs. Because, if the great mass of the people continue to be actuated by sordid and mere mercenary motives, Heaven knows their vengeance, as it is called, may always be bought off.-Their virtue would indeed be formidable to any vicious part of the community :-their vengeance without it would be contemptible. There is no instance in history of a corrupt body reforming itself. There must in this business be agents and patients. The present efforts of virtuous or speculative patriotism among the representatives and their friends, with "respect to the country at large, may be considered under the idea of salutary prescriptions offered to correct the bad juices, and restore the original tone and tension of the relaxed body politic. if the patient, like some wealthy and bloated individuals, cannot, at least for a while, divest himself of his high living, his pampered and luxurious extravagance, the physician can effect nothing-Death only can release him.

But

However, to carry the simile a little farther; if the efforts of Mr. Wardle and the friends of reform should ultimately fail, it cannot justify any impeachment of their judgment. If they prescribe remedies which are not adopted, their cre