persevered to demand the restoration of the whole of the 658. Contending that the only temperate justice which he ought to evince, was, to get back his sheep without hanging the sheep-stealers (great applause).

Major Cartwright also noticed the late County -meeting in Cornwall, where Lords Eliot and De Dunstanville were satisfied to vote barren thanks, but would not listen to reformation!

Want of room prevents us from including accounts of patriotic meetings at some other places; viz. Kendal, Durham, Holbeach, Boston, Pomfret, Oakhampton, Godalming, Radford, &c. But as the resolutions at these places contain nothing remarkably different from those we have already narrated, we pass them over to give a sketch of the concluding part of Mr. Wardle's political life in his recent efforts in Parliament to demonstrate the practicability of making a very great and essential saving in the public expenditure of the national revenue.

With respect to Mr. Wardle's late proposals for saving several millions per annum, it has been, in some degree, triumphantly observed, that though "this has been the second time in which he has placed himself in a situation of such extreme hazard, that even his friends have trembled for his reputation; so has he likewise a second time, not

merely extricated himself with credit, but conferred an infinite obligation on his country, by laying open, all at once, the festering sores within which, the vermin of corruption have fed and fattened till they have drawn her almost to the brink of ruin.” From Mr. Wardle's speech on Public Economy, delivered in the House of Commons, on Monday, June 19, 1809, it appears that the Army in every department-its clothing-its agency-its com missariat-the fortifications-the martello towers -the military canals-the military roads-have all been so many sources of jobbing, at the expense of a suffering people, in the most profligate and unfeeling manner.

The Post-Office, too, came under his review. Since Mr. Palmer's removal, it seems the expense of this establishment has been raised from two hundred to four hundred thousand pounds per annum; for which, Mr. Wardle said, he could discover no other reason than "that the manage ment is bad."

In the collection of Customs he, also made it apparent, that since there has been less work to do, the number of hands have increased. And while upon the gross aggregate the charge of collecting the whole of the public revenue amounts to little less than four and a half per cent, Mr. Wardle thinks, all idea of patronage being out of the question, this charge might be reduced to three per cent.

the charges that have been brought against them. And having begun to concede, how are they to judge where concession will be able to stop? Their opposers in behalf of reform, in consequence of a moral incapacity, the former can neither silence nor satisfy. The spells of Jacobinism and No Popery will no longer obey their old masters; the increasing good sense of the country is beginning to fix the character of Jacobin upon those whose actions, exposed in this volume to public censure, would most infallibly tend to bring the Sovereign and his Government into contempt. These men, it may be presumed," are too weak to mend, and too proud to continue."

To all that has been here related, we can confidently add, that Mr. Wardle's patriotic efforts are by no means terminated with the late session of Parliament. His resources and his plans for the public good, so far from being exhausted, will be still more amply displayed in the course of the ensuing session, should his health, which is so valuable to the nation, permit him to co-operate with the increasing number of his friends and admirers, undoubtedly the most firm supporters of the Sovereign, the Government, the Laws, and the Constitution of the Country.

THOUGHTS

ON

THE STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN,

AND THE

Final Issue of the present Critical Juncture.

Quid prosunt leges sine moribus.

IN the present, as well as in every previous,

opposition to the measures of ministers, it has been constantly admitted, that success must depend upon the people themselves; or, in other words, "that it would be impossible to cure the ills, of which the people complain, without their own consent and co-operation."

Now the manner in which the people are called upon by Mr. Wardle and his friends to co-ope rate is, by the exercise of public virtue; but it may not be amiss to define what is to be understood by public virtue, as the ground-work of parliamentary reform.

Every elector is ready to brand the character of any candidate as vicious and corrupt, who will take a bribe, or sell his vote and interest to the minister. Now to be virtuous on their parts, the electors have nothing to do but resolve against

U

asking for any bribes whatever; and, moreover, they must have the resolution to refuse them when offered.

. It may be urged, that very few persons will have sufficient resolution to act against their own present interests. It is true, the present interest may sometimes suffer by the refusal of a bribe, or the sale of a vote; but, if people in general were willing to wave a present advantage, and make this virtuous sacrifice for the good of the country at large, they would be more than repaid in the future benefits which such a conduct would pro

duce.

Besides, the interestedness or the disinterestedness of a man's motive is the true test of his virtue and integrity. If any of the actions of his life, particularly those which concern him as a member of society, have not the general good in view, they are vices and marks of depravity, whether they come under the cognizance of the law or not.

If the people were more in the habit than they are, of forming a just estimate of passive or suffering virtue, viz. that virtue which will endure sacrifices and inconveniences, rather than partake of the public guilt, or add to the people's burthens, they would probably appreciate the praise that is due to Mr. Wardle and his friends, and to Sir Francis Burdett in particular; who, to stem

tide of corruption, are deaf to the lures of