CHAPTER X.

Events of 1775-Proceedings of the British Parliament-Speech of Lord Chatham-Lord North's Fishery Bill-his conciliatory propositions-extraordinary confessions of some Noble Lords. People of New Hampshire seize the powder at the Fort-movement of Colonel Leslie-Quarrel in New York-Affair of Lexington and Concord-Exploit of the Rev. Mr. Payson—Seisure of the powder in Virginia.-Conduct of Patrick HenryLord North's conciliatory proposals received-Affair of Ticonderoga-Conduct of General Gage to the people of BostonMassachusetts Congress meet-appoint Generals-Adams and Hancock declared outlaws-Continental Congress meet-their proceedings-Hancock appointed President-Washington appointed Commander in Chief—Battle of Breed's Hill-its consequences.

THE moderation evinced by the Congress at Philadelphia, had given great hopes to all the friends of America, that Ministers might be induced to treat their complaints with the respect which their justice demanded. Some of the first statesmen in England had openly declared that their resolutions and manifestos contained nothing which an Englishman, proud of his birthright, ought to wish to see altered. They saw in the resistance of the Colonies that invincible spirit of freedom which marks the dignity of human nature. They saw with satisfaction, that while the Americans maintained with manly firmness their own rights, they knew how to estimate the rights of the British Government, and that it now remained with the Ministers to accept the terms of reconciliation .which were fairly and honourably offered, or lose the affection of the Colonies for ever, by an obstinate per

severance in their wild dreams of Parliamentary su

premacy.

The old Parliament having been unexpectedly dissolved, a new one was convened on the 29th of November, 1774. The King in his opening speech from the throne informed the two houses that the daring resistance and disobedience of his subjects in Massachusetts Bay still continued, with increasing and more criminal violence; but that the "most proper and effectual measures had been taken to prevent these mischiefs; and that they might depend upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken, or impair the supreme authority of this Legislature over all the dominions of the Crown."

It is a singular fact in the history of Great Britain, that the vote on the Address, which usually follows the opening Speech from the Throne, occasioned a protest in the House of Lords-the first which had ever been made on such an occasion-in which the protesting Lords declare, that they cannot consent to be handed down to posterity as giving their assent to the continuance of measures, which a fatal experience had proved so ill adapted to the nature of the case, and which there is every reason to fear would plunge the country into the calamities of civil war.

But such a consideration could have no weight with men who had staked their reputation on the success of the bayonet. The Ministers, however, were evidently at some loss how to proceed, notwithstanding the high tone of his Majesty's Speech. They ridiculed the idea of a war, but were careful for some time to say nothing of their views or intentions.

At length on the 20th of January 1795, Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies, laid be

fore the House of Peers, the papers relative to his department. He had firmly opposed the Minister's scheme of coercion, but without effect, and it was finally developed to the House. As soon as the papers were read, Lord Chatham rose to move that a humble Address be presented to his Majesty, advising and beseeching him that "in order to open the way to a happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, it may graciously please his Majesty to transmit orders to General Gage for removing his Majesty's forces from the town of Boston." Lord Chatham sarcastically observed, that as he had not "the honour of access to his Majesty" he had no other medium of communicating to him his ideas of America than through Parliament; and that he was desirous "to rescue him from the advice of his present Ministers." He said that America could not be reconciled, “she ought not to be reconciled to this country, till the troops of Britain are removed from the Continent." The noble Lord went on to say, "Resistance to your acts was necessary, and therefore just; and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be equally impotent to convince or enslave America." The commanding eloquence of the noble Lord was never more forcibly displayed than on the present occasion. He insisted that the whole force of Britain would be incompetent to subdue the people of America. "You may no doubt, said he, destroy their cities; you may cut them off from the superfluities, perhaps the conveniencies of life; but, my Lords, they will still despise your power, for they have yet remaining their woods and their liberty." He said that the spirit which now animated America

was the same which had led to the revolution in England, and that the friends of liberty on both sides of the Atlantick had but one common cause. "In this great cause, he continued, they are immoveably allied; it is the alliance of God and Nature, immutable, eternal, fixed as the firmament of Heaven."-His Lordship admitted the right of Parliament to control the complicated machinery of commerce and navigation, but denied their authority over the property of the people of the Colonies" property is private, individual, absolute; the touch of another annihilates it." He besought the House to rest upon that distinction, to allow the Americans to maintain their principles of taxation, and to confine the exercise of Parliamentary authority to the regulations of commerce. Of the Continental Congress the noble Earl spoke in a strain of the highest eulogy. "History, my Lords, (said he) has been my favourite study, and in the celebrated writings of antiquity have I often admired the patriotism of Greece and Rome: but, my Lords, I must declare and avow, that in the masterstates of the world, I know not the People, or the Senate, who in such a complication of difficult circumstances can stand in preference to the Delegates of America assembled in General Congress at Philadelphia. I trust it is obvious to your Lordships, that all attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty Continental nation, must be vain, must be futile." The speaker went on to say, that Ministerial manœuvres could never be able to resist such an union as that of America, that the hour of danger was not to be averted by the tricks of office, that matters had now gone so far that even repealing the obnoxious Acts would not restore the lost confidence of America, unless his

Majesty's armed force was withdrawn from the Continent. The Noble Lord pledged himself, that they would one day find themselves compelled to undo all their oppressive acts. He advised them therefore to enter at once into that course, of their own accords which they must be ultimately forced to adopt. "To conclude, my Lords, (said he,) if the Ministers thus persevere in misadvising and misleading the King, I will not say that they can alienate the affections of his subjects from the Crown; but I affirm, they will make the Crown not worth his wearing, I will not say that the King is betrayed, but I will pronounce that the Kingdom is undone."

Lord Chatham's motion for an Address to his Majesty, was seconded and ably supported by Lord Camden; who affirmed that "whenever oppression begins, resistance becomes lawful and right."

But the motion, like all other motions opposed to the views and wishes of the Ministry, was lost by a large majority. The Administration declared their determination never to relax in their measures of coercion until America was forced into obedience.

When these same papers came to be considered in the House of Commons, Lord North moved that they should be referred to a Committee of the whole House on the 26th of January. In the early part of the winter, and during the recess of Parliament, this Minister had given some reasons to believe, that he had been frightened into moderation, by the accounts from the Continent. He had held frequent conferences with the merchants of London, and had hinted to them that Parliament might be induced to listen to their petitions, for a repeal of the Acts that concerned the Colonies. They did petition: but before their petitions