hension of the justice of a jury. But let it not be imagined that is common; formerly it happened every day, but law gains ground-The execution of the law lies very much in the hands of justices of the peace, many of whom are drawn from the most illiberal class in the kingdom. If a poor man lodges a complaint against a gentleman, or any animal that chuses to call itself a gentleman, and the justice issues out a summons for his appearance, it is a fixed affront, and he will infallibly be called out. Where manners are in conspiracy against law, to whom are the oppressed people to have resource? They know their situation too well to think of it; they can have no defence but by means of protection from one gentleman against another, who probably protects his vassal as he would the sheep he intends to eat.

The colours of this picture are not charged. To assert that all these cases are common, would be an exaggeration; but to say that an unfeeling landlord will do all this with impunity, is to keep strictly to truth: and what is liberty but a farce and a jest, if its blessings are received as the favour of kindness and humanity, instead of being the inheritance of right?

Consequences have flowed from these oppressions which ought long ago to have put a stop to them. In England we have heard much of White-boys, Steel-boys, Oak-boys, Peep-of-dayboys, &c. But these various insurgents are not to be confounded, for they are very different. The proper distinction in the discontents of the

people is into protestant and catholic. All but the White-boys are among the manufacturing protestants in the north: the White-boys, catholic labourers in the south. From the best intelligence I could gain, the riots of the manufacturers had no other foundation, but such variations in the manufacture as all fabrics experience, and which they had themselves known and submitted to before. The case, however, was different with the White-boys; who, being labouring catholics, met with all those oppressions I have described, and would probably have continued in full submission, had not very severe treatment in respect of tithes, united with a great speculative rise of rents about the same time, blown up the flame of resistance: the atrocious acts they were guilty of made them the object of general indignation: acts were passed for their punishment, which seemed calculated for the meridian of Barbary; this arose to such a height, that by one they were to be hanged under circumstances without the common formalities of a trial, which though repealed by the following sessions marks the spirit of punishment; while others remain yet the law of the land, that would, if executed, tend more to raise than quell an insurrection. From all which it is manifest, that the gentlemen of Ireland never thought of a radical cure, from overlooking the real cause of disease, which in fact lay in themselves, and not in the wretches they doomed to the gallows. Let them change their own conduct entirely, and the poor will not long riot. Treat them like men who ought to be as free as

yourselves: put an end to that system of religious persecution, which for seventy years has divided the kingdom against itself; in these two circumstances lies the cure of insurrection, perform them completely, and you will have an affectionate poor, instead of oppressed and discontented vassals."* The disturbances, raised by the northern weavers, under the denominations of Hearts-of-oak, and Hearts-of-steel, were soon suppressed. They were not provoked by persecution, penalties, or discouragement of the linen manufacture; but by some internal regulations. The making and repairing highways was a heavy burden on those of the lower stations. The poor complained, that they were frequently compelled to work at roads made for the convenience of individuals, which were of no manner of advantage either to themselves or to the public. The inhabitants of a parish in Armagh declared they would make no more highways of the kind. As a mark of distinction, they put oaken branches in their hats, from which they called themselves Oak Boys. Those particularly concerned in superintending new roads and in repairing the old, were the first objects of their resentment; but very soon they turned their attention to other matters of complaint. The clergy, they alleged, exacted from them unreasonable tythes, the rent of their lands was more than they could bear. As new grievances opened to view, which they resolved to redress, the number of their partizans increased. The infection was communicated from parish to Young's Tour,

parish, until it spread to the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Derry and Fermanagh, an. 1763. In their progress they exacted illegal oaths, and committed other excesses. The military were collected from the other provinces, who in a few weeks dispersed the insurgents. Next session of parliament the road act, that had been so justly complained of, was repealed, and another enacted, that roads should be made and repaired by a tax equally assessed upon the lands of both poor and rich.

The rising of the Steel-boys, in 1771, had its origin from the dispossessing the tenants on an estate. The leases on the estate of an absentee nobleman, in the county of Antrim, were expired. Instead of an additional rent, he proposed to take fines from his tenants, of an adequate value. Many could not comply with these terms: the fines were paid by others, who insisted upon a rent from the immediate tenants, greater than they were able to pay. In consequence, a number of them were dispossessed. Being thus deprived of their habitations, and of the means of subsistence, they be came desperate, maimed the cattle and expressed the strongest resentment against those who were instrumental in reducing them to the state of distress in which they were involved.

One of the insurgents, charged with felony, was apprehended and carried to Belfast. The Steel-boys determined to save him, by force, from punishment. Several thousands assembled armed, and marched to Belfast, to rescue their associate. The prisoner was removed to the barrack, to

which the Steel-boys advanced. After a few shots were exchanged, it was deemed prudent to liberate the prisoner, who was carried off in triumph. Though many who were engaged in this enterprize returned home, and had afterwards no immediate connexion with the rioters, they still consisted of a considerable number, which daily increased, until the same spirit extended to the neighbouring counties. Grievances, nearly similar to those which had inflamed the Oak-boys to insurrection, were now the subjects of their complaint, and the objects of their pretended redress. Their excesses were likewise in some measure the same, but much more violent. Besides the oaths which they exacted, and other lesser injuries sustained by individuals, they destroyed houses, and, in some instances, were guilty of flagrant acts of inhumanity. Some were taken, and tried at Carrickfergus; but, whether from want of evidence, from fear of incurring the resentment of the populace, or from partiality in the witnesses and the jury, they were acquitted. On this the legislature interfered, and passed an act, by which all persons, indicted of such offences, were ordered to be tried in counties different from those in which the excesses were committed. Several were brought to trial at Dublin; but so strong was the prejudice against this breach of a fundamental law of the constitution, that no jury there would find them guilty. Soon after the obnoxious act was repealed. Reflexion now took place, and the pernicious consequence of the principles and the conduct of the insurgents began to be viewed