rest until the Irish enemy was completely subdued. Experience taught them, through a long series of sufferings, the fallacy of their confidence. Elizabethians, Cromwellians, Williamites, treated them, in their turn, as its enemies. A protestant pale was established on the ruins of the Eaglish catholic pale, which persecuted catholics of both races without distinction.

The parliament of the protestant pale, Irish it was not, had been so moulded, that no effort within it, without a powerful external impulse, could be effectual. Deputed, as the members were, from James Stuart's forty rotten boroughs, and venal factious electors scarcely less rotten, and few in number, as the great majority of the nation was excluded from elections, the majority was, by its very formation, at the disposal of the highest bidder. Hence every effort for the relief of Ireland proved abortive.

A careful review of those melancholy times will convince an impartial enquirer, that all the debates and publications of that day, in which the English faction alone was concerned, have ceased to be interesting to the generality of Irishmen, except as far as the merit of argument, wit and composition, may entitle them to notice. Persecution for conscience sake, privation of civil rights, oppressive exclusion from the means and fruits of industry, overwhelming tributes in diverse shapes, rents and pensions to absentees, sinecure salaries, interest to creditors, were not the only evils afflicting this unfortunate people; an epidemic disease among the horned cattle,

and some failures of the harvest, occasioned great scarcity, and taxes were imposed more than the people could afford to pay. "The revenue, for the reasons already given, decreased in 1755, fell lower in 1756, and still lower in 1757. In the last year, the vaunted prosperity of Ireland was changed into misery and distress; the lower classes of our people wanted food, the money arising from the extravagance of the rich was freely applied to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. One of the first steps of the late duke of Bedford's administration, and which reflects honor on his memory, was obtaining a king's letter, dated 31st of March, 1757, for £20,000 to be laid out as his grace should think the most likely to afford the most speedy and effectual relief to his majesty's poor subjects of this kingdom. His grace, in his speech from the throne, humanely expresses his wish, that some method might be found out to prevent the calamities, that are the consequences of a want of corn, which had been in part felt the last year, and to which this country had been too often exposed. The common's acknowledge, that those calamities had been frequently and were too sensibly and fatally experienced in the course of the last year; thank his grace for his early and charitable attention to the necessities of the poor of this country in their late distresses, and make use of those remarkable expressions, that they will most chearfully embrace every practicable method to promote tillage.' They knew that the encouragement of manufactures were the effectual means, and that these means were not in

their power. The ability of the nation was estimated by the money in the treasury, and the pensions on the civil establishment, exclusive of French, which at Lady-day 1755, were 38,0031. 15s. Od. amounted at Lady-day 1757, to 49,2931. 15s. Od.

The same ideas were entertained of the resources of this country in the session of 1759. Great Britain had made extraordinary efforts, and engaged in enormous expences for the protection of the whole empire. This country was in immediate danger of an invasion. Every Irishman was agreed, that she should assist Great Britain to the utmost of her ability, but this ability was too highly estimated. The nation. abounded rather in loyalty than in wealth. Our brethren in Great Britain had however formed a different opinion, and surveying their own strength, were incomplete judges of our weakness. A lord lieutenant of too much virtue and magnanimity to speak what he did not think, takes notice from the throne, of the prosperous state of this country, improving daily in its manufactures and commerce. His grace had done much to bring it to that state, by obtaining for us some of the best laws in our books of statutes. But this part of the speech was not taken notice of, either in the address to his majesty, or to his grace, from a house of commons well disposed to give every mark of duty and respect, and to pay every compliment consistent with truth. The event proved the wisdom of their reserve. public expences were greatly increased, the pen

The

sions on the civil establishments, exclusive of French, at Lady-day 1759, amounted to 55,4971. 5s. Od.: there was at the same time a great augmentation of military expence. Six new regiments and a troop were raised in a very short space of time. An unanimous and unlimited address of confidence to his grace, a specifick vote of credit for £150,000, which was afterwards provided for in the loan bill of that session, a second vote of credit in the same session for £300,000, the raising the rate of interest paid by government one per cent. and the payment out of the treasury in little more than one year, of 703,9571. 3s. 14d. were the consequences of these increased expences. The effects of these exertions were immediately and severely felt by the kingdom. These loans could not be supplied by a poor country, without draining the bankers of their cash; three of the principal houses (Clement's, Dawson's, and Mitchell's) among them stopped payment, the three remaining banks in Dublin discounted no paper, and in fact did no business. Public and private credit, that had been drooping since the year 1754, had now fallen prostrate. At a general meeting of the merchants of Dublin, in April 1760, with several members of the house of commons, the inability of the former to carry on business was universally acknowledged, not from the want of capital, but from the stoppage of all paper circulation, and the refusal of the remaining bankers to discount the bills even of the first houses."**

* Hutchinson on the Commercial Restraints of Ireland.

Among the numerous addresses to his majesty king George III. on his accession, was the following, from the Irish Roman Catholics.

Most gracious Sovereign, we your majesty's dutiful and faithful subjects, the Roman catholics of the kingdom of Ireland, beg leave to approach your majesty with this humble tender of our unfeigned loyalty, on your majesty's happy accession to the throne of your ancestors.

While your majesty's subjects, of all denominations, are now endeavouring to be foremost in the exertion of every duty towards your majesty's person and government; and while all circumstances of affairs, at home and abroad, unite for the present happiness and future glory of your reign; permit us to condole with your majesty, and to pour out our sincere sorrow for the loss we have sustained by the death of a monarch, who had always approved himself the common father of all his people; a loss, the more sensible on our part, as the repose we have so long enjoyed entirely proceeded from his royal clemency, and the mild administration of his government in this kingdom.

Ever since the accession of your majesty's royal house to the throne of these realms, we have, in a particular manner, experienced the paternal interposition of your illustrious predecessors. We, most gracious sovereign, who are so unfortunately distinguished from the rest of our fellow-subjects, cannot subsist without a continuance of the roya! favour and protection.

Sensible of the same hereditary compassion in