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Catholics; the great body of the people, are in the lowest degree of ignorance, and are ready for any change, because no change can make them worse. The whole peasantry in Ireland, the most oppressed and wretched in Europe, may be said to be Catholic. They have within these two years received a certain degree of information, and manifested a proportionate degree of discontent by various insurrections, &c. They are a bold, hardy race, and make excellent soldiers. There is no where a higher spirit of aristocracy than in all the privileged orders, the clergy and gentry of Ireland; to countervail which, there appears a spirit now rising in the people which never existed before, but which is spreading most rapidly, as appears by the Defenders as they are called, and other insurgents. If the people of Ireland be 4,000,000, as it seems probable they are, the Established Church may be reckoned at 450,000, the Dissenters at 900,000, the Catholics at 3,150,000. The prejudices in England are adverse to the French nation, under whatever form of govern. ment. It seems idle to suppose the present rancour against the French is owing merely to their being republicans; it has been cherished by the manners of four centuries, and aggravated by continual wars. It is morally certain, that any invasion of England would unite all ranks in opposi tion to the invaders. In Ireland, a conquered, oppressed and insulted country, the name of England and her power is universally odious, save with those who have an interest in maintaining it: a body, however, only formidable from situation and property, but which the first convulsion would level in the dust; on the contrary, the great bulk of the people of Ireland would be ready to throw off the yoke in this country, if they saw any force sufficiently strong to resort to for defence until arrangements could be made; the Dissenters are enemies to the English power from reason and from reflection, the Catholics from a hatred of the English name; in a word, the prejudices of one country are directly adverse, of the other directly favourable to an invasion. The government of Ireland is only to be looked upon as a government of force, the moment a supe rior force appears, it would tumble at once, as being founded

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neither in the interests nor in the affections of the people. It may be said, the people of Ireland shew no political exertion. In the first place, public spirit is completely de-. pressed by the recent persecutions of several, the Convention-act, the Gunpowder, &c. &c. Declarations of Govern. ment, Parliamentary Unanimity, or Declarations of Grand Juries, all proceeding from aristocrats, whose interest is adverse to that of the people, and who think such conduct necessary for their security, are no obstacles; the weight of such men falls in the general welfare, and their own te nantry and dependants would desert and turn against them; the people have no way of expressing their discontent civiliter, which is at the same time greatly aggravated by those measures; and they are, on the other hand, in that semibarbarous state, which is of all others the best adapted for making war. The spirit of Ireland cannot therefore be calculated from newspaper publications, county meetings, &c. at which the gentry only meet and speak for themselves. They are so situated that they have but one way left to make their sentiments known, and that is by war. The church. establishment and tythes are very severe grievances, and have been the cause of numberless local insurrections; in a word, from reason, reflection, interest, prejudice, the spirit of change, the misery of the great bulk of the nation, and above all, the hatred of the English name, resulting from the tyranny of near seven centuries, there seems little doubt but an invasion in sufficient force would be supported by the people. There is scarce any army in the country, and the militia, the bulk of whom are catholics, would to a moral certainty refuse to act, if they saw such a force as they could look to for support."

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"Mr. Jackson was so pleased with this paper and its author, that he pressed him very strongly to go to France, and enforce in person its contents; promising him the utmost success, both as a public and private man. At first Mr. Tone agreed to this proposal; but afterwards declined it, on account of his wife and children. Mr.

Rowan then suggested, that Dr. Reynolds should go on the same mission, which he was not unwilling to do, but was discountenanced by Jackson, who wished it to be undertaken by no other person but Tone, of whose consent he had not entirely despaired. While this was going on, government was minutely informed of every particular by the intervention of Cockayne; and having intercepted some of Jackson's letters, enough to form a body of evidence against him, he was arrested the latter end of April. Dr. Reynolds shortly after got privately to America. Mr. Rowan escaped from Newgate on the night of the first of May, and was conveyed on board a small vessel in Dublin harbour, that had been secured for him by a friend. A proclamation was directly issued by government, offering 1000 reward for his apprehension, and another by the corporation of Dublin, from whose gaol he had escaped, offering £500 for the same purpose. The sailors of the ship in which he was concealed, knowing whom they had on board, showed him the two proclamations, to which he answered, "lads, my life is in your hands;" and made them fully acquainted with the cause of his danger and flight. They instantly assured him, they never would betray, but would protect him to the last extremity. Accordingly, on the first change of wind, they put to sea, and landed him safely in France. Tone, on the other hand, made no attempt at concealment or escape. It was not at first ascertained that Cockayne was an informer, and even after he had reason to be

otherwise convinced, he persuaded himself that no more could be proved against him, than misprision of treason, in concealing a solicitation to go to France, which he had rejected. In this opinion he was probably mistaken, but the point was never tried, owing to the interposition of private friendship.*"

At this period is to be dated the commencement of the society of United Irishmen, embodied for the establishment of an independent republican government in Ireland. The first traces of this institution are to be found in Belfast, among mechanics, petty shop-keepers, and farmers. One of the three societies of United Irishmen, that had been formed in this town, escaped observation by the obscurity of its members, and continued its sittings; a union was formed between it and another club of men, principally in the same sphere of life, some of whom had been United Irishmen. This association adopted the name of United Irishmen, and their test, but so altered, as to embrace the objects they had in view. This test did not simply bind to the use of abilities and influence in the attainment of an impartial and adequate representation of the Irish nation in parliament; but "to persevere in endeavouring to obtain a full and adequate representation of all the people of Ireland;" thus leaving ample room for the efforts of republicanism. Secrecy and mutual confidence now became essentially necessary; and the laws, which

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stood in the way of the pursuits and objects of these societies, must also be disarmed of their terrors. For this purpose it was made part of the admission oath, that neither hopes nor fears, rewards nor punishments, should ever induce the person taking it, directly or indirectly to give evidence against any member of those societies, for any act or expression pursuant to the spirit of the obligation.

Such was the plan and test, adopted and taken by the two Belfast clubs, in which town and vicinity several similar ones were speedily formed, during the summer and autumn of this year. Their constitution was as follows.

I. This Society is constituted for the purpose of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and an union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, and thereby to obtain a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political and religious liberty.

II. Every candidate for admission into this society shall be proposed by one member, and seconded by another, both of whom shall vouch for his character and principles. The candidate to be ballotted for on the society's subsequent meeting; and if one of the beaus shall be black, he shall stand rejected.

III. Each society shall fix upon a weekly subscription suited to the circumstances and convenience of its numbers, which they shall regularly return to their baronial by the proper officer.

IV. The officers of this society shall be a secretary and treasurer, who shall be appointed by ballot every three months; on every first meeting in November, February, May and August.

V. A society shall consist of no more than twelve members, and those as nearly as possible of the same street or neighbourhood, whereby they may be all thoroughly known

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