power than they possess themselves; nor even the whole of it, without forfeiting their liberty. They must reserve the power of examining the conduct of their representatives, and communicating their opinions to them on political affairs. In modern times, members have taken shelter from such scrutiny and instructions, by alledging, that each member represents the nation at large. That subterfuge cannot take away the rights of the constituents to examine their representatives; and each county and city has a right to inquire into, and approve or condemn public measures. This bill went to deprive the catholics of all hope of further concession; and to deprive the nation at large of the only practicable mode of obtaining parliamentary reform, the quelling of the northern troubles, or the redress of any public abuse or grievance. It may be said, that the despotic governments on the Continent would not permit meetings of such delegates. First, such governments are no models for a free people: secondly, delegates from manufacturers and merchants have been frequently heard by them: thirdly, an assembly of Jewish delegates was held in Paris, during some weeks, under the eye of Napoleon: fourthly, there is no occasion for any meeting of delegates to petition for rights of conscience on the Continent, as they are fully established there already. We need not wonder, that a body of men, who did not represent the people, should hate a truly representative body, for whatsoever purpose, or by whomsoever chosen ; that bribery and inflamed party spirit should

outweigh sound argument and truth; or, that a prostitute body, which, rather than submit to reform their abominable corruptions, would sell their country and themselves, should dread the advance of the great majority of the people to a participation of the constitution, which might eventually lead to the redintegration thereof, and put an end to the traffic of parliament. "If the people had a right to right to petition, as was allowed on all hands, they also must have a right to do so in the most convenient manner, which was evidently by delegation. Why was the house of commons elected? Why did not the people assemble in pleno comitatu, and exercise their rights themselves as a third estate? Because such a proceeding must be attended with a violation of good order, and must be productive of tumult. If, on a matter of general concern, the people, exercising their undoubted right, should meet at large in their respective towns and counties to petition, would not the same inconvenience follow? Could it be criminal then for the people to govern themselves in this instance by the same principle as in exercising their legislative function? Certainly not."*

"If the bill only went to prevent representative bodies from assuming functions peculiar to parliament," Mr. G. Ponsonby said, "he should not have objected; but if any attack should, in future, be made on the liberty of the people by any future government, they were de

*Speech of Mr. Curran.

prived by this bill of all means of resisting it, but by an appeal to arms."

The embodying of the militia created some disturbances in different places. The peasantry bad conceived suspicions of the designs of those who would employ them. They were alarmed, lest they should be sent to foreign parts, never, perhaps, to revisit their friends and native country; meanwhile, to be deprived not only of divine worship, and the other consolations of their religion, but to be compelled, by the terror of corporal punishment, to attend a worship which their consciences did not approve. Numbers collected in the county of Meath, seized the arms of many of the gentry, and swore them to the observance of a neutrality; but the arms thus collected, being insufficient, they commenced the fabrication of rude, and scarcely warlike weapons. The military soon attacked the largest body, which occupied the town of Athboy. The Rev. Mr. Butler, and a company of foot from Kells, first closed with the mob, but were compelled to retreat. The cavalry came up immediately after, and the mob dispersed. A few were seized, and at the ensuing assizes sentenced to be publicly whipped, and three years confinement; a sentence severely inflicted. In this affair, two of the military, and four or five of the peasantry were killed. To remove the fears of the catholics, some catholic officers were appointed, and the militia was embodied without further opposition.

The troubles in the North still raged. These

commenced so early as the year 1784; and arose, like many other tumultuary combinations, from mere accident. Two peasants, presbyterians, at Markethill, in the county of Armagh, in a state of intoxication, quarrelled and fought. The defeated vowed vengeance against a by stander, a catholic, to whose advice he attributed his disgrace. The friends of each engaged in the quarrel, and the spirit of discord spread from families to villages. Markets, horse-races, and shebeen-houses were, for some time, the theatre of their malignant warfare; but the party of the vanquished appointed a leader, and assumed the name of the Nappach fleet. This body soon commenced night attacks on the persons and property of their opponents. These formed a counter-association, in the neighbourhood of Bunker's-hill, chose a presbyterian for their captain, and assumed the denomination of Defenders. They were joined by another body from Hamilton's bawn, stiled the Bawn-fleet, who were equally in dread of the Peep of day-boys, or Nappach fleet. These tumultuous bodies, on Whitsun-Monday, 1785, determined to decide their differences in the field. The Nappach fleet, 700 strong, well armed, were drawn up opposite the Bawn fleet and Defenders, more numerous, indeed, but greatly inferior in arms; when the timely arrival of John Richardson, Esq. of Richhill, member of parliament for the county of Armagh, the Rev. Mr. Barker, of Market-bill, and Mr. Dobbin, of the Waste-land, near Hamilton's-bawn, prevented these deluded men from

weltering in each other's blood. These gentlemen jointly addressed each party, entreated them to disperse, and live in peace; explained to them the consequences that would attend their noncompliance; aud had the satisfaction to behold. their labours crowned with success; each party returning peaceably to their respective homes. But when once associations of this sort are formed, discord, revenge, even frolic, carries them beyond their original intention, and leads them into new mischief. Accident added the flame of religious dissension, and the warfare increased, under the banners of catholic and protestant. Adam Oliver, a young man, a protestant, on his death bed sent for a priest, and died a catholic. Shortly after, a halfpenny or penny squib appeared, stating, in substance, the following reason, among others, for his conversion: "That he was favoured with a vision of the world to come, in which he saw none but catholics admitted into heaven, while protestants and sinners were conveyed in an opposite direction." Having seen so much in the year 1787, I viewed it as a most inflammatory, dangerous pasquinade, whether founded in fact or otherwise. The priest, under whose name it was issued, never published a disavowal or retraction. Perhaps he never saw it, as it was circulated in the most contemptible manner, among the lowest classes of the northern weavers, for a trifle, a halfpenny or a penny at most. Certainly the priest's sister, who lived with him when the first of these sulphurous squibs ap