I have had opportunities to speak to the growth of the expences of government. I have shown, without the probability of contradiction, that in seven years you have, in those expences alone, exceeded your estimates in the sum of £163,000. I did not form my comparison with the actual expence of 1784; if I had, the excess had been greater, particularly with regard to the civil establishment, which was, in the year 1784, £174,000, and the excess, therefore, £33,000, not 17,000, as the right honourable gentleman was pleased to mention. But I mentioned a progress of expence still more striking, that since the year 1769, you have increased your annual charge, including debt, more in proportion than Great Britain, notwithstanding the American war and all her armaments. But the evil effects on private fortunes of this species of representation are more sensibly felt, and more readily understood; those who have contested boroughs, those who have repeatedly obtained seats in this house for boroughs, may find in their mortgages an answer to the admirers of the present system. I may aver, without fear of contradiction, that the expences of election and returns of parliament are so ruinous, that no private fortune can support them; that the expence for obtaining returns for a borough, except under the gift of a patron, are so great, as no private fortune can sustain; that these expences increase with the powers of the constitution. I have heard that seats in this house, forty years ago, were obtained for 600. I have heard that they now cost £3,000, and 3 K

VOL. IV.

you know these expences are ultimately paid by the public. Hence arises what we often lamented, the trade of parliament, a trade in which the dealer does not make £6 per cent. by his money, with all the other sacrifices of honour, &c. I wish to lay the axe at the root of this trade, in which the political morality, as well as the freedom of the country, are intimately concerned. I shall be told, there have been exceptions to this expence; I feel it, but I feel, also, that the expence is the rule, and the saving an exception. The property of boroughs, the sale of boroughs, the sale of honours, sale of votes, private embarrasments, and public servility, all will be corrected by the reform of parliament; and the constitution under its defective state, so far from working as well as gentlemen have flattered themselves, has been attended with a growth of public expence, equalled only by an accumulation of private difficulties. The third argument in support of the present system is, that gentlemen cannot agree about a better. We agree in what we condemo; we cannot well differ in the principle on which we are to reform. We agree, I apprehend, that twelve burgesses should not return two members to serve in parliament. That is, we agree in the destruction of close boroughs. We agree on the principle which is to conduct your compasses, a mass of propertied people, the precise number only a subject of discussion; but we agree, that we are to look to a mass of people having property. How far we are to go, and what geographical line, whether the circle of a county,

of any lesser circumscription, may be a subject of discussion, but not of discord.

We cannot differ about the propriety of residence, of extending the franchise to freemen by birth, marriage, or the exercise of a trade for a certain time. Perhaps we shall not differ on the propriety of extending the right of voting to landholders having a certain valuable interest; a universal registry; elections to be limited in time, and to be carried on in different places at once; an oath to be taken by the candidate, and to be repeated at your bar, by the member:

"That he has not been at any expence whatsoever, nor paid any sum whatsoever, to procure his return, by himself or others."

These, with some other regulations, when added to an internal reform, which should exclude officers of the revenue, and a long et cetera, which my friend will explain, and which will reduce the influence, by excluding all pensioners for years, and placemen, except such as are in higher departments, show, I think, that the subject, however it may have been supposed to be involved in difficulties, yet contains the principles of concord.

These broad principles carried into execution, must insure you that constitution, temperate at once and pure, founded on the true principles of property, with population, including what is well understood by the words," constitutional public," giving to every farmer a sort of station in his country; and to every landlord an interest to give an encouraging lease. Thus, the reform of

parliament may be a good system of agriculture, as well as of liberty. These principles, I say, carried into execution, may produce that steady calm in the minds of men, which results from the sense of a good constitution, and the benefits of an honest representation. Mr. Grattan then read three resolutions, and moved the first:

"Resolved, That the representation of the people is attended with great and heavy charges and payments, in consequence of elections and returns of members to serve in parliament, and that said abuses ought to be abolished.

"Resolved, That of the three hundred members elected to serve in parliament, the counties, and counties of cities, and towns, together with the university, return eighty-four members, and that the remaining two hundred and sixteen are returned by boroughs and manors.

"Resolved, That the state of the representation of the people in parliament requires amendment."

These resolutions were opposed by Sir John Parnell, the chancellor of the exchequer, who proposed instead of them, but in the form of an amendment," that under the present system of representation, the privileges of the people, the trade and prosperity of the country, have greatly increased; and, that if any plan be proposed, likely to increase those advantages, and not hazard what we already possess, it ought to be taken into the most serious consideration." After a long debate, this resolution was carried by a majority of 153 to 71.

On the 19th of July, Mr. George Ponsonby, in the name of his brother, presented a bill for the more equal representation of the people in parliament. The former gentleman, with his con

nexions, had ever since the regency dispute joined the opposition; and by their influence, as well as by his own abilities, he had acquired as much consideration and importance as could be conferred by a party, which adhered neither to government nor the people. The outline of the plan proposed by this bill was, that three representatives should be appointed for each county, and for the cities of Dublin and Cork. With regard to other cities, boroughs, towns or manors, that persons residing within the distance of four miles every way from the centre of each, (within such variations as necessity might demand) should have a right to vote for its representatives, if possessed of a ten pound freehold: that no person admitted to the freedom of any corporation, should thereby acquire such a right, unless he were also seized within the city or town corporate, of a five pound freehold, upon which he or his family resided for a year before the election and admission; that this regulation should not extend to persons acquiring that freedom by birth, marriage, or service: and lastly, that an oath should be taken by every person returned to serve in parliament, that he had not purchased bis seat.

However, by this time, all prospect of accomplishing any thing on this subject had disappeared. The hope that had been excited by the unanimous consent of parliament to go into a committee, was disappointed by the rejection of Mr. Grattan's resolutions, and the adoption of Sir John Parnell's amendment; it was completely