politic step taken by our minister was the institution of a paper war on the subject of religion -the declarations as you will find in the Catholic report of the transaction-managed, procured or sanctioned by government, led to counter declaration, and finally discussion at large, on the broad principle of philosophy, which ministry knew was against them, and in an appeal to the people who, from interest, must have been against them likewise: the ministry embitter this paper war, by its own rhetoricians and scribblers, and publish notoriously from the castle such personal invectives against respectable Catholics, such contumelious stuff! You must recollect it, written, published, and spread by the Castle, against the pretensions and persons of the Catholic body; such invectives as must have roused the spirit of indignation as well as liberty, to vindicate their fame and fortunes against a scandalous and opprobrious government. The next unfortunate error in this business was, a declaration from a right honourable gentleman, high in confidence, that on a certain event government would suppress the Catholics with the force of both countries. I incline to believe the threat was unauthorised; nor do I pretend to say it was unconditional; it was on a certain event, or suposition, that these men committed something which government might call a great offence; but who had a right to suppose such a body of men would commit an act which will justify his majesty's ministers to levy war on so vast a portion of his people-a liege subject, liv ing within the peace of the king, to suppose him a rebel in order to threaten him with arms, is to tell him he is not a subject, but a slave. Without discussing any further objections to such language, it is sufficient to say, that the direct and obvious tendency of such a menace was to make the Catholic body attribute to the successes of France that safety and privilege which should have appeared to proceed from benignity of the king, and the justice of parliament. I say the tendency of such a declaration; but the effect of it has been, I believe, only to manifest his majesty's gracious and signal interposition in manifesting his paternal love to his loyal subjects, and affording them protection against his ministers. The next unfortunate error of our ministry was their interference with grand juries against the Catholics, because they were giving the protestants false hopes, at the same time that they were exciting against the Catholics false fears. They took the lead in fomenting a religious war-they began it-they acted in the mongrel capacity of country gentlemen and ministers they acted against Catholics as country gentlemen, and encouraged the protestants as ministers. They had, I understand, informed the British ministry, that the influence of the crown could not induce a majority to vote against the Catholic pretensions, and then they themselves take a leading part to make that difficulty in the country, of which they complained of, in their dispatches. To the country gentlemen they say, will you bear that these men shall get the elective franchise, and to the British minister, you see these country geutlemen, and the consequences of this conduct is, that the Irish ministry become parties against the people, and have a personal and country interest to exclude them, not as Catholics but as enemies. Among other instances of the intolerance of ministers, is something of a religious war in an address from the corporation of Dublin to the other corporations of the kingdom. I consider this publication as the act of the Castle-the act of their city delegation-the composition of their city agents, The city has been a long time the object of their mischief; whenever the city is left to herself, she will ever speak with moderation and propriety, and her mistake in this address has been, to have resigned her better understanding to the intrigues and interference of the Castle. I shall observe on this publication so far as to say, that, according to the sentence it pronounces, the doom of the catholic, in all times to come, is perpetual exclusion from the franchise of the constitution; and, according to the law that publication advances the title of the protestant to his lands and privileges-is the right of conquest.-If then the three millions of Catholics should, with the assistance of twentysix millions in France, rebel and dispossess you of your properties and charters, they have in the city publications an authority-they have the law of conquest-and they have your excuse for appealing to the law of conquest, because they have the sentence of the corporation-nothing 3 D VOL. IV. else to relieve them from the doom of slavery! The result of this interposition of the Irish government in this religious war-the consequence of having poured their angry ingredients into the cup of religious fury, has been, that as far as relates to Irish government, they have totally lost the confidence of the catholics-they have lost the confidence of one part of his majesty's subjects by their corruption, and of the other, by their intolerance. In such a situation of domestic discontent and foreign revolution, what measures have they taken?" After enumerating the measures adopted, and denying their efficacy, he recommended two remedies; "first," said he, "settle the great question with your Catholic brethren; settle it on principles of liberty, of unanimity, and of extensive freedom. What is the other remedy? It is a word you will find in the books. The lawyer peruses the description daily. It is a parliament; a free and independent parliament, chosen by the people. Whether the people have that at present, I need not debate; but I repeat it, the radical cure is a free and independent parliament, chosen by the people. I shall amend the address-that part of it which relates to his majesty is cold and impolitic; his interposition to heal our religious animosities, is an act of distinguished wisdom-as such it should be marked, particularly at a time when attempts have been made on the thrones of princes -at such a time I would mark to the Catholics the king as the deliverer of his people. I would distinguish him from his ministers. I would mark that monarch, who had rescued his people from the hands of those ministers,-that, however we may abhor their proceedings, we shall, if necessary, unite, to rally in support of the throne, keeping pure of leaning to any French politics, or any wishes in favour of that nation, now on the eve of a war with a country, with whom we are by the crown, by the law, by interest, and by every political tie, for ever to be connected. I move you, that an amendment be made, by inserting after the word "constitution," the following words: "We admire the wisdom which at so critical a season has prompted your majesty to come forward to take a leading part in healing the animosities of your people on account of religion; we shall take into our immediate consideration the subject graciously recommended from the throne; and at a time when doctrines pernicious to freedom and dangerous to monarchical government are propagated in foreign countries, we shall not fail to impress your majesty's Catholic subjects with a sense of the singular and eternal obligations they owe to the throne, and to your majesty's royal person and family." The secretary of state, Mr. Hobart, replied, although the right honourable gentleman has been pleased to express in strong terms his disapprobation of the conduct of this house, I should not think it respectful to the gentlemen who compose it, for me to enter into their justification. |