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gress" to become for ever, and in all senses, illegal, because the Americans used it? As to America, it has now the sanction of parliamentary authority. By definition, it is only a meeting or assembly; and, in its general use, has been more frequently employed to denote meetings for promoting peace than war. I have no partiality for the word congress; because, in my mind, Ireland is as good an authority herself, as any she can find abroad. But yet I cannot find, that there is any illegality in those syllables, or in that sound. As to representatives, I readily admit, that if by representatives it were necessary to understand, that they were persons, whose deliberations were to bind the people, and to have any coercive authority or legal obligation, the objection would be just. This House, undoubtedly, is the only representatives of the people in parliament; that is to say, to all purposes of legislation. I proposed a resolution to that effect, in lord Carlisle's government, but the parliament would not assent to it. Yet now there are, who say, that this House is not only the sole representative of the people in parliament, and for legislation, but that we can have no other kind of representation whatever, for any other purpose, or in any other capacity. Now the latter I deny. The king is the representative of the community, as to foreign states. Every man may have various representatives. A man's heir is his representative in one sense; his executor in another, his agent in a third, his attorney in a fourth, any man to whom he gives a letter of attorney

for a particular purpose, in a fifth, and so on, ad infinitum. That the people have a right to petition, no man denies. But they cannot depute or delegate that right, it is argued. It is unnecessary to debate that point, for neither the convention nor congress have petitioned, or mean to petition. What then is the fact? Each county has chosen a few nominees, or deputies, in whom they confide, to confer with others of the same description from other counties, in the capital, as the place most convenient for meeting, and for information; and during the sitting of parliament, when it is possible to be of use, not during its prorogation, when it could be of no use; and this they have done, for what? That concord may be the better obtained, in a case where division among the people would be fatal. What these deputies or delegates resolve, has no binding force, or coercive obligatoriness, on the counties. The counties may petition in support of those resolves, or they may not; they may enforce them by all their constitutional powers, or they may reject them. In short, it only tends to unite the people, and hence is the objection to it. The enemies to reform wish to divide the people. They feel, that this mode is the best mode of uniting them. They know, that that union would be irresistible, and they therefore object to this measure, not because it is really illegal, but because it is rational and efficacious.'

any

Mr. Flood's resolution, seconded by Sir Edward Newenham, was lost, and the intention frustrated; the House resolving, "That the

practice of attachments for contempts of court, stands upon the same ground of law both in England and Ireland and does not appear to have been extended in this kingdom beyond the

same."

The next great object of discussion, in the session of 1785, though in comparison of parliamentary reform, a trifle, merits, nevertheless, some notice. The parti-coloured parliament, after having resisted the wishes of the nation, and rejected reform, thought proper, in order to allay public discontents, to bring forward something in favour of Ireland. They, in consequence, entered into a treaty of commerce with England, to adjust the terms of commercial intercourse on a basis reciprocally beneficial to both.

Though Mr. Pitt supported the cause of Irish commerce, with an appearance of warmth and zeal, and great force of argument, one would be apt, from the known duplicity of the man, to suspect, that he secretly roused the commercial jealousy of England. All the commercial towns in England blazed with jealous hatred against Irish commerce. Meetings were held, the table of the British commons was loaded with petitions, petitioners and lawyers attended at the bar, against the odious and terrible propositions of the Irish parliament, against the most distant idea of granting to the wild Irish, the benefits of their own industry, and of the bounties of heaven. There never was so much national animosity, chicanery and malignity displayed, on occasion of any commercial treaty, with a hostile power, as burst forth, on 2 G

VOL. IV.

that occasion, least Paddy should be allowed, without loss to the Bull family, to acquire the comforts of life. Nothing could set, in a clearer point of view, the gross ignorance, and narrow conceptions, of that family. Parliamentary reform they favoured; which obtained, would be every thing for Ireland. They rose furiously against commercial regulations, comparatively insignificant. Hence, the crafty minister took advantage, to make such alterations, as materially changed the object; and, under colour of commercial advantages, sought to purloin the rights lately obtained, by deceitful speeches.

How moderate the proposals, sent by the Irish parliament, were, the reader will judge, from their eleven propositions, as recapitulated by secretary Orde.

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is highly important to the general interest of the British empire, that the trade between Great Britain and Ireland be encouraged and extended as much as possible; and for that purpose that the intercourse and commerce be finally settled and regulated on permanent and equitable principles, for the mutual benefit of both countries.

"That towards carrying into full effect so desirable a settlement, it is fit and proper that all articles, not the growth or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, should be imported into each kingdom from the other reciprocally, under the same regulations, and at the same duties, if subject to duties, to which they are

liable when imported directly from the place of their growth, produce, or manufacture; and that all duties originally paid on importation into either countries respectively, shall be fully drawn back on exportation to the other.

"That for the same purpose it is proper that no prohibition should exist in either country against the importation, use, or sale of any article the growth, product, or manufacture of the other; and that the duty on the importation of every such article, if subject to duty in either country, should be precisely the same in the one country as in the other, except where an addition may be necessary in either country, in consequence of an internal duty on any such article of its own consumption.

"That in all cases where the duties on articles of the growth, product, or manufacture of either country are different on the importation into the other, it would be expedient that they should be reduced in the kingdom where they are the highest, to the amount payable in the other; and that all such articles should be exportable from the kingdom into which they shall be imported, as free from duty as the similar commodities or home manufacture of the same kingdom.

"That for the same purpose, it is also proper, that, in all cases where either kingdom shall charge articles of its own consumption with an internal duty on the manufacture, or a duty on the material, the same manufacture, when imported from the other, may be charged with a

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