against Wood's halfpence; the grand jury of the county of Dublin presented all persons, who attempted to impose it upon the people of Ireland, enemies to government, and to the peace, safety and welfare of his majesty's government. The English by birth, at length deemed it necessary to revoke the patent; Boulter thought it expedient, and the patent was revoked.

Now and then a patriotic genius arose, like lightning illuminating the gloom of a clouded night, reminding the public of the many shackles, imposed on their commerce, their manufactures, the nuisance of absentees draining the country of money, and the intolerable grievance, to a people called free, to be governed by a foreign legislature, without for the present producing any other effect, than the diffusion of political knowledge. Of these the most distinguished was dean Swift, whose patriotic exertions are still gratefully acknowledged by his countrymen. The state to which Ireland was reduced, in those days when Irishmen dared not to complain, he feared not to publish. He commences his State of Ireland in the year 1727, enumerating, by rules generally known, and never contradicted, what are the true causes of any countries flourishing and growing rich; and then examines what effects arise from those causes in the kingdom of Ireland.

"The first cause of a kingdom's thriving is, the fruitfulness of the soil, to produce the necessaries and conveniencies of life; not only sufficient for the inhabitants, but for exportation into other countries.

The second is, the industry of the people, in working up all their native commodities, to the last degree of manufacture.

The third is, the conveniency of safe ports and havens to carry out their own goods, as much manufactured, and bring in those of others, as little manufactured, as the nature of mutual commerce will allow.

The fourth is, that the natives should, as much as possible, export and import their goods in vessels of their own timber, made in their own country.

The fifth is, the privilege of free trade in all foreign countries, which will permit them; except to those who are in war with their own prince or state.

The sixth is, by being governed only by laws made with their own consent; for otherwise they are not a free people. And therefore, all appeals for justice, or applications for favour or preferment, to another country, are so many grievous impoverishments.

The seventh is, by improvement of land, encouragement of agriculture, and thereby encreasing the number of their people; without which, any country, however blessed by nature, must continue poor.

The eighth is, the residence of the prince, or chief administrator of the civil power.

The ninth is, the concourse of foreigners for education, curiosity, or pleasure; or as to a ge, neral mart of trade.

The tenth is, by disposing all offices of honour,

profit, or trust, only to the natives, or at least with very few exceptions; where strangers have long inhabited the country, and are supposed to understand, and regard the interest of it as their

own.

The eleventh is, when the rents of lands, and profits of employments, are spent in the country which produced them, and not in another; the former of which will certainly happen, where the love of our native country prevails.

The twelfth is, by the public revenues being all spent and employed at home, except on the occasions of a foreign war.

The thirteenth is, where the people are not obliged, unless they find it for their own interest or convenience, to receive any monies, except of their own coinage by a public mint, after the manner of all civilized nations.

The fourteenth is, a disposition of the peopleof a country to wear their own manufactures, and import as few incitements to luxury, either in cloaths, furniture, food or drink, as they possibly can live conveniently without.

There are many other causes of a nation's thriving, which I cannot at present recollect; but without advantage from at least some of these: after turning my thoughts a long time, I am not able to discover from whence our wealth proceeds, and therefore would gladly be better informed. In the mean time, I will here examine what share falls to Ireland of these causes, or of the effects and consequences.

It is not my intention to complain, but barely

to relate facts; and the matter is not of small importance. For it is allowed, that a man who lives in a solitary house, far from help, is not wise in endeavouring to acquire, in the neighbourhood, the reputation of being rich; because those who come for gold, will go off with pewter and brass, rather than return empty: and, in the common practice of the world, those who possess most wealth, make the least parade; which they leave to others, who have nothing else to bear them out, in shewing their faces on the Exchange.

As to the first cause of a nation's riches, being the fertility of the soil, as well as temperature of climate, we have no reason to complain; for, although the quantity of unprofitable land in this kingdom, reckoning bog, and rock, and barren mountain, be double in proportion to what it is in England; yet the native productions which both kingdoms deal in, are very near on equality in point of goodness; and might, with the same encouragement, be as well manufactured. I except mines and minerals; in some of which, however, we are only defective in point of skill and industry.

In the second, which is the industry of the people; our misfortune is not altogether owing to our own fault, but to a million of discouragements.

The conveniency of ports and havens, which nature hath bestowed so liberally on this kingdom, is of no more use to us, than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a dungeon.

As to shipping of its own, Ireland is so utterly

unprovided, that of all the excellent timber cut down within these fifty or sixty years; it can hardly be said, that the nation hath received the benefit of one valuable house to dwell in, or one ship to trade with.

Ireland is the only kingdom I ever heard or read of, either in antient or modern story, which was denied the liberty of exporting their native commodities and manufactures, wherever they pleased; except to countries at war with their own prince or state: yet this priviledge, by the superiority of meer power, is refused us, in the most momentous parts of commerce; besides an act of navigation, to which we never consented, pinned down upon us, and rigorously executed; and a thousand other unexampled circumstances, as grievous, as they are invidious to mention. To go unto the rest.

It is too well known, that we are forced to obey some laws we never consented to; which is a condition I must not call by its true uncontroverted name, for fear of lord chief justice Whitshed's ghost, with his Libertas et natale solum, written as a motto on his coach, as it stood at the door of the court, while he was perjuring himself to betray both. Thus, we are in the condition of patients, who have physick sent them by doctors at a distance, strangers to their constitution, and the nature of their disease: and thus, we are forced to pay five hundred per cent. to decide our properties; in all which, we have likewise the honour to be distinguished from the whole race of mankind.