Roman catholic, who possesses the spirit of a man, and who does not prefer vassalage and slavery to liberty and freedom, will not immediately transport himself, bis family, and his property, to another country; into a country where he may participate of the blessings of a free constitution, and enjoy the rights of a freeman ?

Mr. Grattan. I object to any delay which can be given to this clause; we have already considered the subject on a larger scale, and this is but a part of what the clause originally contained. We have before us the example of England, who four years ago granted Catholics a right of taking land in fee; the question is, merely, whether we give this right or not, and if we give it, whether it shall be accompanied by all its natural advantages. Three years ago, when this question was debated in this house, there was a majority of three against granting Catholics estates in fee, and they were only allowed to take leases of 999 years; the argument then used against granting them the fee, was, that they might influence elections. It has this day been shewn, that they may have as effectual an influence by possessing leases of 999 years, as they can have by possessing the fee; at that time, I do declare, I was somewhat prejudiced against granting Roman Catholics estates in fee, but their conduct since that period has fully convinced me of their true attachment to this country. When this country had resolved no longer to crouch beneath the burden of oppression, that England had laid upon her-when she

armed in defence of her rights, and a high spirited people demanded a free trade, did the Roman Catholics desert their countrymen? No; they were found amongst the foremost. When it was afterwards thought necessary to assert a free constitution, the Roman Catholics displayed their public virtue; they did not endeavour to take advantage of your situation-they did not endeavour to make terms for themselves-but they entered frankly and heartily into the cause of their country; judging, by their own virtue, that they might depend upon your generosity for their reward. But now, after you have obtained a free trade, after the voice of the nation has asserted her independence, they approach this House as humble suppliants, and beg to be admitted to the common rights of men. Upon the occasions I have mentioned, I did carefully observe their actions, and did then determine to support their cause whenever it came before this House; and to bear a strong testimony of the constitutional principles of the Catholic body. Nor should it be mentioned as a reproach to them, that they fought under the banner of king James, when we recollect, that before they entered the field, they extorted from him a Magna Charta, a British constitution.

In the reign of Charles II. a committee, consisting of Papists, Protestants and Presbyterians, were sent from this country, to prosecute lord Stafford, we find them perfectly agreeing in the object of their mission; and, indeed, when men begin to differ upon principles of religion, it is

because they have no other great object to engage their attention; we cannot give the people of Ireland a common faith, but we can give them a common interest.

In 1799, when the fleets of Bourbon hovered on our coasts, and the nation roused herself to arms, did the Roman Catholics stand aloof? or did they, as might be expected from their oppressed situation, offer assistance to the enemy? No-they poured in subscriptions for the service of their country, or they pressed into the ranks of her glorious Volunteers.

It has been shewn, that this clause grants the Roman Catholics no new power in the state; every argument, therefore, which goes against this clause, goes against their having leases for 999 years every argument, which goes against their having leases of 999 years, goes against their having leases at all-and every argument, which goes against their having property, goes against their having existence in this land.

The question is now, whether we shall grant Roman Catholics a power of enjoying estates, or whether we shall be a Protestant settlement, or an Irish nation? Whether we will throw open the gates of the temple of Liberty to all our countrymen, or whether we will confine them in bondage by penal laws? So long as the penal code remains, we never can be a great nation; the penal code is the shell in which the Protestant power has been hatched, and now it is become a bird, it must burst the shell asunder, or perish in it.

In Holland, where the number of Roman Catholics is comparatively small, the toleration of their religion is an act of mercy to them; but, in this country, where they form the great bulk of the inhabitants, it is an act of policy-an act of necessity-an act of incorporation. The question is not, whether we shall shew mercy to the Roman Catholics, but whether we shall mould the inhabitants of Ireland into a people; for so long as we exclude Catholics from natural liberty and the common rights of men, we are not a people; we may triumph over them, but other nations will triumph over us. If you love the Roman Catholic, you may be sure of a retura from him; but if you treat him with cruelty, you must always live in fear, conscious that you merit his just resentment; will you then go down the stream of time, the Roman Catholic sitting by your side unblessing and unblessed, blasting and blasted? Or will you take off his chain, that he may take off yours? Will you give him freedom, that he may guard your liberty?

In Ireland, as connected with England, the indulgence we wish to give to Catholics can never be injurious to the Protestant religion; that religion is the religion of the state, and will become the religion of Catholics, if severity does not prevent them. Bigotry may survive persecution, but it never can survive toleration. But gentlemen, who speak of the enormities committed by Catholics groaning under a system of penal laws, do not take into account the enlightening and the softening of mens' minds by toler

ation, nor do they consider, that, as they increase in wealth, they will increase in learning and politeness.

I give my consent to the clause in its principle, extent, and boldness; I give my consent to it, as the most likely means of obtaining a victory over the prejudices of Catholics, and over our own-I give my consent to it, because I would not keep two millions of my fellow-subjects in a state of slavery; and because, as the mover of the Declaration of Rights, I should be ashamed of giving freedom to but six hundred thousand of my countrymen, when I could extend it to two millions more.

Sir Hercules Langrishe supported the clause, because he observed, it was plain, simple, and easily understood. We have shewn how readily Roman catholics, possessed of leases for 999 years, may, by collusion, acquire the fee; the question, therefore, ceases to be a question of policy, whether you will make them a liberal grant of property, and allow them to possess legally and openly what they may acquire in a clandestine manner. Gentlemen will also consider, that, by allowing catholics to possess the fee of lands, they for ever bar the claim of old proprietors, and interest every catholic who enjoys such possession in the support of the established government. A gentleman says, he wishes to give catholics property, but would restrain them from having power, lest they should influence elections: for my part, I entertain little apprehension, from their having any power in elections, the in