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Great Britain, on which connexion the interests and happiness of both nations essentially depend; but that the kingdom of Ireland is a distinct kingdom, with a Parliament of her own, the sole legislature thereof; that there is no body of men competent to make laws to bind this nation, except the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, nor any other parliament which hath any authority or power, of any sort whatsoever, in this country, save only the parliament of Ireland. To assure his majesty, that we humbly conceive that in this right the very essence of our liberties exists; a right, which we, on the part of all the people of Ireland, do claim as their birth-right, and which we cannot yield but with our lives.

To assure his majesty, that we have seen with concern certain claims advanced by the parliament of Great Britain, in an act entitled an act for the better securing the dependency of Ireland: an act containing matter entirely irreconcileable to the fundamental rights of this nation. That we conceive this act, and the claims it advances, to be the great and principal cause of the discontents and jealousies in this kingdom.

"To assure his majesty, that his majesty's commons of Ireland do most sincerely wish, that all the bills which become law in Ireland, should receive the approbation of his majesty, under the great seal of Britain; but that yet we do consider the practice of suppressing our bills in the council of Ireland, or altering the same any where, to be another just cause of discontent and jealousy,

"To assure his majesty, that an act, entitled an act for the better accommodation of his majesty's forces, being unlimited in duration, and defective in other instances, but passed in that shape from the particular circumstances of the times, is another just cause of discontent and jealousy in this kingdom.

"That we have submitted these the principal causes of the present discontent and jealousy of Ireland, and remain in humble expectation of redress.

"That we have the greatest reliance on his majesty's wisdom, the most sanguine expectations from his virtuous choice of a chief governor, and great confidence in the wise, auspicious and constitutional councils, which we see, with satisfaction, his majesty has adopted.

"That we have, moreover, a high sense and veneration for the British character, and do therefore conceive, that the proceedings of this country, founded as they are in right, and tempered by duty, must have excited the approbation and esteem, instead of wounding the pride of the British nation.

"And we beg leave to assure his majesty, that we are the more confirmed in this hope, inasmuch as the people of this kingdom have never expressed a desire to share the freedom of England, without declaring a determination to share her fate likewise, standing and falling with the British.

nation."

To give the British ministry time to adopt the measures necessary for granting the demands of

Ireland, the house of commons adjourned for three weeks. This some of the members considered too long; in the debate, Mr. Fitzgibbon, as also many of the hitherto most zealous opposers of the rights of Ireland, expressed himself thus: "that as he had been cautious in committing his country, so now that it was committed, he would be firm in supporting its rights." And, that as the right of making laws to bind Ireland, lay in their King, Lords, and Commons, to the total exclusion of all foreign influence, it was idle to suppose, that any appeal ought to lie from the Irish courts of law.

The attorney-general, afterwards earl Clonmel, said he was persuaded, that if after what had passed and been pressed by so many respectable gentlemen of consideration and distinction, he should remain silent, there was not a man in that house, who would not attribute it to fear, paltry fear of losing his office and situation; he had, he confessed, heretofore protracted, postponed, palliated, and endeavoured to soothe the country from declarations or acts of extremity; his sentiments had been much misrepresented to his disadvantage; but he was not surprised or offended, that the nation, eager in the pursuit of a favourite object, should have considered any man, who seemed to differ from them in sentiment, as an object of detestation and resentment. He thought it better, that every object of those British laws should be doomed to destruction, than that his country should longer even be supposed to be in a state of slavery; he therefore called the atten

tion of the house, to bear witness, that by holding a mysterious or equivocal silence longer upon the subject of right, he should do equal injury to the interests of Great Britain and Ireland. He did, consequently, as a lawyer, a faithful servant to the crown, a well-wisher to both countries, and an honest Irishman, in the most unqualified, unlimited, and explicit manner, declare his opinion, that Great Britain had no right whatsoever to bind Ireland by any law; and that such acts as had been passed for that purpose in Great Britain, were founded in usurpation, or the necessity and confusion of the times; that he never had a doubt upon the question of right, though from motives of prudence, and a desire of peace, he had heretofore thought it necessary not to declare any opinion upon the question of right. Their conduct during the present American war, entitles them, he said, to more than they asked. Another event, which had lately happened, and made it necessary for him to speak out, was Mr. Wallace's bill, offering freedom to America. This act operated as an act of pains and penalties to the loyalty of Ireland; for if America be declared free, and Ireland left in slavery, no man of either spirit, sentiment, or property, would remain in the country an hour after America should have been declared independent. Ireland would become the absolute sink of the universe, the only part of the British dominions, which could not boast the freedom of the British constitution. As the friend of Great Britain and Ireland, he thought it necessary to express these

sentiments boldly: for if in his situation he were longer to continue silent, it might be thought in Great Britain, that there was yet a diversity of opinion in Ireland.

The English Lords and Commons, on the 17th of May, resolved, "that the act of the 6th of George I. intituled, An act for the better securing the dependency of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain, ought to be repealed; and Mr. Fox brought in a bill for that purpose.

The lord lieutenant, on the 27th of May, acquainted parliament, that Great Britain had acceded to the claims of Ireland. Mr. Grattan then moved the following Address of thanks, and assurance of the complete satisfaction with which Ireland received the boon just conceded.

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"To assure his majesty of our unfeigned affection to his royal person and government; that we feel most sensibly the attention which our representations have received from the magnanimity of his majesty, and the wisdom of the parliament of Great Britain.

"To assure his majesty, that we conceive the resolution for an unqualified, unconditional repeal of the 6th of George I., to be a measure of consummate wisdom and justice, suitable to the dignity and eminence of both nations, exalting the character of both, and furnishing a perpetual pledge of mutual amity.

"To assure his majesty, that we are sensibly affected by his virtuous determination to accede to the wishes of his faithful people, aud to exercise his royal prerogative in a manner most con

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