state, on the chair being taken, delivered a similar message to the house of commons; then congratulated his country on it; avowed, that he had always asserted from the seat of judicature, as a judge; and in that house, as a representative of the people, the right of the king, lords and commons of Ireland, only, to make laws for Ireland. After a merited eulogium on Mr. Grattan, he said, that whatever mode should be proposed for the declaration of this right, in terms the most unequivocal and explicit, whether by vote, address, or bill, should receive his strongest support, provided it contained such sentiments of duty and loyalty to the king, and affection to our fellow-subjects of Great Britain, as every man in this nation felt.

Mr. George Ponsonby moved, that a dutiful and loyal address should be presented to his majesty, thanking him for his most gracious message, and assuring him, that his faithful commons would immediately proceed upon the great objects he had recommended to their consideration.

Mr. Grattan rose, to state to the house his reasons for changing, in some measure, the form of the address proposed by the hon. gentleman, and hoped to induce the house, rather to declare that they had considered the causes of jealousy; and that they were contained in his original motion for a declaration of rights, which he would now move as an amendment to the address. He said he had nothing to add, but to admire by what steady virtue the people had asserted their

own rights. He was not very old, and yet, he remembered Ireland a child. He had watched her growth; from infancy she grew to arms; from arms to liberty. She was not now afraid of the French; she was not now afraid of the English; she was not now afraid of herself. Her sons were no longer an arbitrary gentry; a ruined commonalty; protestants oppressing catholics, catholics groaning under oppression-but she was now a united land.

Turn to the rest of Europe, you will find the antient spirit every where expired. Sweden has lost her liberty, England is declining; the other nations support their consequence on the remembrance of a mighty name, but ye are the only people who have recovered it by steady virtue. Ye not only excel modern Europe, but ye excel what she can boast of old. Whenever great revolutions were made in favour of liberty, they were owing to the quick feeling of an irresistible populace, excited by some strong object presented to their senses. Such an object was the daughter of Virginius-sacrificed to virtue; and such the seven bishops, whose meagre and haggard looks expressed the rigour of their suffering: but no history can produce an instance of men like you, musing for years upon oppression, and then, upon a determination of right, rescuing the land. You will find that the supporters of liberty in the reign of Charles I., mixed their sentiments of constitution with principles of gloomy bigotry; but amongst us, you see delegates of the north, advocates for the catholics of

the south; the presbytery of Bangor mixing the milk of humanity with the benignity of the gospel-as christians tolerant-as Irishmen united. This house agreeing with the desires of the nation, passed the popery bill, and by so doing got more than it gave; yet found advantages from generosity, and grew rich in the very act of charity. Ye gave not, but ye formed an alliance between the protestant and the catholic powers, for the security of Ireland.

Fortunately for us, England did not take the lead; her minister did not take the lead in the restoration of our rights; if she had, we should have sunk under the obligation, and given back in sheepish gratitude the whole advantage; but the virtue, the pride of the people was our resource, and it is right that people should have a lofty conception of themselves; though it is wonderful they should preserve their ancient pride, not having amongst them any of those outward and visible signs of glory, those monuments of their heroic ancestors, such as were wont to animate the ancient Greeks and Romans, and rouse them in their country's cause. They had nothing, such as these, to call forth the greatness of the land, and therefore it is astonishing, that they should proceed with a temper seldom found amongst the injured, and a success never but with the virtuous. They have no trophies, but the liberty they transmit to their posterity is more than trophy. What sets one nation up above another, but the soul that dwells therein? for it is of no avail, that the arm be strong, if the soul

be not great. What signifies it, that three hundred men in the house of commons-what signifies it that one hundred men in the house of peers, assert their country's liberty, if unsupported by the people? But there is not a man in Ireland, there is not a grand jury, there is not an association, there is not a corps of volunteers, there is not a meeting of their delegates, which does not maintain the independence of the Irish constitution, and pledge themselves to support the parliament in fixing that constitution on its rightful basis. Gentlemen will perceive, that I allude to the transaction at Dungannon; not long ago, the meeting at Dungannon was considered as a very alarming measure; but I thought otherwise, I approved of it, and considered the meeting of Dungannon as an original transaction. As such only it was matter of surprize. What more extraordinary transaction than the attainment of Magna Charta? It was not attained in parliament, but by the barons, armed and in the field. A great original transaction is not founded in precedent, it contains in itself both reason and precedent; the revolution had no precedent, the christian religion had no precedent, the apostles had no precedent.

In this country every man has a share in the government, and in order to act or speak they must confer. Now, did not necessity compel them to act, did not necessity compel them to speak, and will not their resolutions tend to restore the rights of their country; they resolve, "that a claim of any body of men, other than the king,

VOL. IV.

lords and commons of Ireland, to make laws to bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional and a grievance. After further observations, Mr. Grattan said, that he wished to become the decided friend of the duke of Portland, for removing every cause of complaint from Ireland, and that these were the terms on which he was ready to support his government.

A repeal of the 6th of George I., including a restoration of the appellant jurisdiction on the Lords of Ireland.

An abolition of the unconstitutional power of Privy Councils.

And a repeal of the Mutiny-bill.

A Judge's-bill he refrained from mentioning, as he had heard it was returned. He concluded by moving, which was unanimously adopted,

"That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this house for his most gracious message to this house, signed by his grace the lord lieutenant.

"To assure his majesty of our unshaken attachment to his majesty's person and government, and of our lively sense of his paternal care, in thus taking the lead to administer content to his majesty's subjects of Ireland.

"That thus encouraged by his royal interposition, we shall beg leave, with all duty and affection, to lay before his majesty the cause of our discontents and jealousies: to assure his majesty, that his subjects of Ireland are a free people; that the crown of Ireland is an imperial crown, inseparably annexed to the crown of