entrusted me with, which it must have wanted, if considered as merely proceeding from my own private judgment."

The Grand Jury, Gentlemen, Clergy, and Freeholders of the County of Galway, convened by the High Sheriff, on the 31st of March, 1782, unanimously resolved: 1. That a seat in parliament was never intended by our constitution, as an instrument of emolument to individuals; and, that the representative, who perverts it to such purpose, particularly at so momentous a period as the present, is guilty of betraying the trust reposed in him by the people for their, not his benefit. 2. That the people, who could tamely behold their suffrages made the tool of private avarice or ambition, are still more criminal than the venal representatives, as they become the panders without even the wages of prostitution. 3. That when we daily see the mandate of the minister supersede all conviction in debate; when placed and pensioned members of parliament notoriously support in public, measures which they condemn in private; when the hirelings of corruption avow, and government have exemplified in recent instances of distinguished public characters, that to vote according to conscience, amounts to a disqualification to hold any office in the service of our country, it is time for the people to look to themselves, and in great national questions to assert their right to controul those who owe their political existence to their birth, and may be annihilated by their displeasure. 4. That, at an era when every thing that

can be dear to a nation is at stake, we are called upon by our duty to ourselves, to our country, and to posterity, to stand forth, and by the most unremitting exertions stem the returning torrent of corruption at home, and resist usurpation from abroad, that all mankind may see we are determined to preserve the purity, while we vindicate the rights, of our legislature. 5. Therefore we do hereby solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, and to our country, by every tie of honor and religion which can be binding to man, that, as the sacred duty which we owe to the community supersedes all ties and obligations to individuals, we will not suffer private friendship or private virtues, to ward our settled determination not to vote for any man, at a future election, either for county, town, or borough, who shall act in opposition to our instructions, and who will not subscribe a test to obey them previous to the election, or who shall absent himself when those questions on which we instruct him are agitated in parliament. 6. That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, are the only power competent to make laws to bind this kingdom, and that we will resist the execution of any other laws with our lives and fortunes. 7. That, if force constitutes right,' the people of this country have a right to use force against the man who dares to maintain doctrines subversive of their constitution; but as the object* is beneath the

*Mr. John Scott, attorney-general, afterwards Earl Clonmell. In the Commons, when the patriots demanded, By what right England made laws to bind Ireland? he shamelessly supported the usurpations of the British Legislature, answering, that' Power gave Right.'

national resentment, we shall only bid such a man beware how he hereafter trifles with the rights of his country, and provokes the vengeance of a people determined to be free. 8. That we highly approve of the Resolutions of the Volunteer Delegates, assembled at Dungannon and Ballinasloe. 9. That the thanks of this county be returned to the Minority in Parliament, and particularly to our countrymen, Sir Henry Lynch Blosse, Anthony Daly, and Robert Dillon, Esqrs. 10. That the following Addresses be presented to the Right Hon. Denis Daly, and W. P. Keating Trench, Esq. representatives in parliament for this county.

To the Right Hon. D. Daly.—Sir, there is a moment in the affairs of nations as well as of individuals, which, if seized and happily improved, may lead to prosperity, if neglected, may terminate in the riveting of its oppressions. Such a moment is the present: the eyes of Europe are upon us, and posterity will read our conduct with applause or execration, according to the use we make of the opportunities, which a providential combination of events has afforded us. When the rights of a nation become objects of public question or discussion, not to assert is to relinquish, to hesitate is to betray. The die is cast; if we advance with a manly and determined step, we ensure success; if we recede or divide, we sink for ever; in so awful an hour, who is the man, that, however unwilling to provoke the question, will not in the day of trial be found at his post? Your private opinion, Sir, must give way to the national voice; the assemblage cf

qualities, which formed and elevated your character, raised you to one of the most exalted situations a subject could arrive at. Your abilities. remain, we have relied on your integrity; yet, we cannot but lament, that at the moment we stood in need of all the influence of such a character, its brightness should have been shaded, and its weight lost to the nation, by being placed in a station in which, however chaste, it may, at least, be suspected. But waving at present the consideration of this subject, we now call upon you, as one of our representatives, as you value our future approbation and support, to give your fullest assistance to the following measures, whenever they shall be proposed in parliament, viz. 'A declaration of our national rights; an ademption of the assumed power of the privy council to stop or alter bills; a mutiny bill limited in its duration; a bill rendering the judges independent of the crown; and a bill to reduce the expences of this nation to a level with its revenues;' as we cannot conceive a conduct more insane, than for a people scarce emerging from ruin, like a profligate heir, to anticipate its funds, and ground certain extravagance on uncertain prosperity.

To W. P. Keating Trench, Esq.-Sir, the present period calls upon every man in this country, to take an active and decided part in the common cause. The nation is not now to be trifled with. Upon our conduct at this eventful hour, depends the establishment of our constitution, and the liberties of unborn generations.

We shall not, Sir, suffer our attention to be drawn from the great object in which we are engaged, by a retrospect into your past parliamentary conduct, however dissonant in many points from our opinions; but we call upon you, if you value our future approbation, to give your fullest support to the following measures, whenever they shall be agitated in parliament, viz. A declaration of our national rights; an ademption of the power of the privy council to stop or alter bills; a mutiny bill limited in its duration; a bill to render the judges independent of the crown; and a bill to reduce the national expences to a level with its revenues."

The University, on the 2d of April, agreed to, and presented, the following Address to their representatives, the Right Hon. Walter Burgh, and John Fitzgibbon, Esq., afterwards Earl of Clare.-Gentlemen, When the murmurs of a people, struggling for their rights, have been heard even in the quiet retreat of science, we should deem it a breach of duty to our countrymen and ourselves, did we neglect to second their virtuous exertions: we are never forward in political contests; we shall always be decided and steady; although we have not been the first to complain of, yet, we have not been the last to feel the repeated injuries this country has suffered, not only from those who may have separate duties and separate interests, but from men, who are bound by the strongest duty, and their dearest interest, to vindicate its rights, and cherish its prosperity.