part of this nation claimed and challenged as their birth-right, the subjects of that kingdom could not be bound, affected, or obliged, by any legislature, save only the King, Lords, and Commons, of that his majesty's realm of Ireland; nor was there any other body of men, who had power or authority to make laws for the same.

"To assure his majesty, that his majesty's subjects of Ireland conceived, that in that privilege was contained the very essence of their liberty, and that they tendered it as they did their lives, and accordingly had with one voice declared and protested against the interposition of any other parliament in the legislation of that country.

"To assure his majesty, that they had seen. with concern, the parliament of Great Britain advance a claim to make law for Ireland, and their anxiety was kept alive, when they perceived the same parliament still persist in that claim, as might appear by recent British acts, which affected to bind Ireland, but to which the subjects of Ireland could pay no attention.

"To assure his majesty, that next to their liberties, they valued their connexion with Great Britain, on which they conceived, at that time most particularly, the happiness of both kingdoms did depend, and which, as it was their most sincere wish, so should it be their principal study to cultivate and render perpetual. That under that impression, they could not suggest any means, whereby such connexion could so much be improved or strengthened, as by a renunciation

of the claim of the British parliament, to make law for Ireland, a claim useless to England, cruel to Ireland, and without any foundation in law.

"That impressed with a high sense of the magnanimity and justice of the British character, and in the most entire reliance on his majesty's paternal care, they had set forth their right and sentiments, and without prescribing any mode to his majesty, throw themselves on his royal wisdom."

The Attorney General (afterwards Earl Clonmell) declared the object of the motion utterly impracticable. He said he did not mean to agitate the question of right; the act of the 6th of George the First was certainly of little ornament upon the statute book, and of still less use; yet if it gave nothing to England, it certainly took away nothing from Ireland. After endeavouring to terrify, by the phantom of the resumption of the forfeited estates, so successfully introduced by Mr. Fitzgibbon, in the debate on the Catholic bill, he animadverted on the introduction to the motion; and said, if an ambassador from France or Spain, or if the boldest agents for the rebels of America, were at the bar to urge the house in language such as that, he should not be much surprised; for it ill accorded with the loyal and liberal feelings of Irishmen, who scorn to take advantage of an enemy in distress, but always remember acts of friendship with gratitude; he was therefore against the address, because it would give the world an opportunity of saying, Ireland had made demands on Great Britain, and

was in arms to enforce them. He was against it, because it was a challenge, thouch couched in terms of civility; because it tended to anarchy and misrule; because the thing contended for could never gain strength but by struggle; and because, if obtained, it would shake all the property of the nation. Upon those principles he thought it an honor to oppose the address in any way; but from respect to the honorable mover, he would not give it a direct negative, but move to have it put off to the first of August; which was carried, 137 voting for the attorney general's motion, and 68 against it.

The attempt of Mr. Flood, to obtain an ac knowledgement of the independence of Ireland upon the British legislature, met a similar fate, on the 26th of the same month. After stating the rights of Ireland, he moved the following declaratory resolutions: 1. That the members of this house are the only representatives of the people of Ireland. 2. That the consent of the commons is indispensably necessary to render any statute binding. The second, he said, he would not move till the first was determined upon. It was objected, that universal coincidence of opinion on this subject, and the universal acknowledgement of the great truth, which was the substance of the resolution, made the motion un⚫ necessary, and if it were necessary, it was unadviseable. The resolution was negatived; only 76 supporting the declaration, and 137 against it.

This obstinate opposition, far from disheartening, rouzed the nation to greater exertions,

VOL. IV.

Grand juries, cities, towns, corporations, parishes, all ranks and degrees of men, animated by the same sentiments, with united voice, spoke out boldly in behalf of the privileges of their country. The Freemen and Freeholders of the City of Dublin, convened by the High Sheriffs, on the 19th of March, 1782, unanimously agreed to the following Address to their representatives, Sir Samuel Bradstreet, Bart. Recorder, and Travers Hartley, Esq.

"Gentlemen, as men justly entitled to, and firmly resolved to obtain a Free Constitution, we require you, our trustees, to exert yourselves in the most strenuous manner, to procure an unequivocal declaration, "That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, are the only power competent to make laws to bind this country." And we solemnly pledge ourselves to you and to our country, that we will support the representatives of the people at the risk of our lives and fortunes, in every constitutional measure which may be pursued for the attainment of this great national object. Be assured, Gentlemen, that your zeal upon this occasion will insure you a continuance of our esteem and regard."

answer.

Sir Samuel Bradstreet returned the following "Gentlemen, it has ever been my wish to receive with pleasure, and to obey the instructions of my constituents. You may depend on my using every means in my power to procure an explicit and unequivocal declaration, "That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, are the only power competent to make laws to bind this

country;" and I rely on your solemn engagement to support your Representatives, in every constitutional measure which may be necessary for the attainment of this great national object. Permit me to assure you, that my zeal for the accomplishment of your wishes, can be equalled only by my desire to convince you, how sacred I esteem the trust you have reposed in me, and how much I value a continuance of the good opinion of my fellow-citizens."

"Gentlemen," says Travers Hartley, Esq. "I should be very unworthy of that honorable and important trust, with which you have so recently invested me, did I not receive with the highest respect, the most perfect satisfaction, and chearful conformity, your instructions, on a subject in which the national honor and security are essentially engaged. To suppose that any power, except that of the "King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, is competent to make laws to bind this kingdom," is utterly inconsistent with the idea of freedom; it is equal liberty alone, which can secure that perfect harmony to the subjects of the same crown, so necessary to the prosperity both of Great Britain and Ireland. You may rely, Gentlemen, on every exertion I am capable of, to procure an unequivocal declaration of the sole right of the legislature of this kingdom, to enact laws obligatory on the people of Ireland; and I doubt not in this, and every constitutional measure, I shall be always secure of the support of my constituents. Your instructions, on this occasion, will give a dignity to the vote you have