it is not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone, that this nation is now to be saved from impending ruin."

The address, thus amended, was presented to the lord lieutenant by the speaker; the Dublin Volunteers, commanded by the duke of Leinster, lining the streets, from the parliament-house to the castle.

The debates on the affairs of Ireland, that year, in the British parliament, and the mutual recriminations of the opposite parties, concerning England's treatment of that country, justify the axiom, help yourself, and your friends will like you the better; to which may be added, your enemies will be fewer, and respect you more, The union and spirit of Irishmen then, bid fair to prosper their cause. In the British parliament acknowledged, that they had been an injured people, deserving of relief. To promote this good disposition in the British, the Irish parliament, with equal prudence and ability, granted only a six months money bill; and unanimously resolved, "That the exportation from this kingdom, of its woollen and other manufactures, to all foreign places, would materially tend to relieve its distresses, encrease its wealth, promote its prosperity, and thereby advance the welfare of Great Britain, and the common strength, wealth and commerce of the British empire. That a liberty for this kingdom to trade with the British colonies in America and the West Indies, and the British settlements on the coast of Africa, in like manner as trade is carried on between

Great Britain and the said colonies and settlements, would be productive of very great commercial benefits, would be a most affectionate mark of the regard and attention of Great Britain to our distresses, and would give new vigour to the zeal of his majesty's brave and loyal people of Ireland, to stand forward in support of his majesty's person and government, and the interest, the honour and the dignity of the British empire."

It is now time to observe the effect of the short money bill, on the other side of the water. The minister opened his propositions for the relief of this kingdom, the 13th of December, 1779. To wit, the repeal of the prohibitions, to export Irish manufactures, made or mixed with wool, from Ireland to any part of Europe; to import glass into Ireland, except of British manufacture, or to export glass from Ireland. Also, that Ireland be suffered to carry on a trade of export and import, to and from the British colonies in America and the West Indies, and her settlements on the coast of Africa, subject to such limitations, regulations and restrictions, as the parliament of Ireland should impose.

The first two bills passed with facility; the third, appearing capable of interfering more with British commerce, was laid over till after the holiday recess, to acquire time for studying it.

The people and parliament of this country were much gratified by concessions, from which they expected such mighty advantages. Supplies

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for a year and a half were now granted, and £260,000 ordered to be raised by treasury bills or lottery, as the lord lieutenant should direct. The speaker, on presenting the money bills, amidst all his compliments to government, mentioned the true causes, that extorted concession. Though long depressed by the narrow policy of former times, still to retain such vigour, and at the same time such temper and caution, as animated it (Ireland) to claim, with honest confidence, its rights.... To this state of wisdom and moderation, unexampled in any age or in any country, under similar circumstances.....must be ascribed, the happy restoration of that equitable system of equality in commerce, which has silenced those pernicious suspicions and jealousies, which lately threatened the peace of both kingdoms. But whatever advantages this change in our condition may promise, it will avail us little, if it inspires false hopes and vain expectations of sudden affluence; the future prosperity of this kingdom will depend upon our industry and economy, public as well as private, the effects of which, though certain and permanent, are ever gradual and slow; and unless our expences are regulated by our acquisitions, disappointment will be our portion, and poverty and distress must be the consequence of our conduct.”

The concession, however, was attended with a violation of Irish rights. The mutiny bill, passed in parliament for a limited time, when transmitted to England, was made perpetual. Another bill was also altered there. This bitter, humiliating

appendix to commercial regulations, not generally approved of, occasioned much discontent. Petitions flowed in from all quarters, to the Irish house of commons, against the alterations, made by the English privy council in the bills transmitted. As they all breathe one spirit, differing only in language, one may suffice for all. That of Newry stated, "that the petitioners had heard with deep concern, of alterations then said to have been made in the bill, for laying a duty of twelve shillings per hundred weight, on imported refined sugars, and also in the bill for the better regulation of the army; that the duty of twelve shillings appeared to be the lowest, that could possibly be admitted, with the appearence of justice to this country; and, that a perpetual bill, for the regulation of the army, or of any other duration than from session to session, was a daring attack on the constitution of both countries. That petitioners humbly prayed, that, by an equal distribution of justice, the mutual cordiality between Great Britain and Ireland might be ensured, and the necessity for this country to resolve to consume her own manufactures only, might be removed; and, that a parliamentary army might be maintained in Ireland, regulated upon principles such as Great Britain could approve of, and Ireland submit to."

The altered mutiny bill being taken into consideration, by a committee of the whole house, on the 16th of August, 1780, the arguments of the minority, were in unison with the sense of the nation against said alterations. They argued,

"that the present bill tended to the subversion of all public liberty. That it would not be wise to grant to the Crown a dictatorial power over fifteen thousand men for ever. That it was the wish of the kingdom to be governed by its own laws. That they considered the power of originating this very act, as a declaration of rights: they were consequently contending with the minister of Great Britain, not for any concession, which might wound the interest or pride of the English, but for a measure, which would bring every man in Britain on their side; as they could not wish to see the power of the Crown rendered so dangerous to the constitution of both kingdoms, with a perpetual army, which might vest his majesty with too great an influence over the laws; and that any articles of war, which the king might hereafter make, would be articles of war for this kingdom; for the act extended a power over all his majesty's forces, by which means Ireland would be under the control of an English statute, and this kingdom would become a place of arms." In support of it, it was urged, "that the peace of the country required it should pass. That as long as parliament held the purse, they could, by refusing to pay, annihilate the army. That the hereditary revenue would be exhausted, if applied to the forces; and, that if the king could raise, he should also have perpetual power to regulate the army." The weight of gold, not of these flimsy arguments, carried the obnoxious bill.

The discontents arising from passing this, and