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"Resolved, that we, our families, and all whom we can influence, shall from this day wear and make use of the manufactures of this country, and this country only, until such time as all partial restrictions on our trade, imposed by the illiberal and contracted policy of our sister kingdom, be removed: but if, in consequence of this our resolution, the manufacturers (whose interest we have more immediately under consideration) should act fraudulently, or combine to impose upon the public, we shall hold ourselves no longer bound to countenance and support them.

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Resolved, that we will not deal with any merchant or shopkeeper, who shall, at any time hereafter, be detected in imposing any foreign manufacture, as the manufacture of this country."

Similar resolutions being generally entered into, and acted upon, revived the Irish manufactures, and so affected the British, that a disposition to attend to Irish complaints, was excited, different from what Ireland had hitherto experienced.

The house of Bourbon had now united their arms with North America; their combined fleets rode triumphant in the channel. The maritime towns, alarmed, petitioned the king's lieutenant for protection; but received for answer, that he was unable; that sufficient money could not be obtained to raise the militia; and that he had been obliged to beg money from the English ministry, to support the force remaining in Ireland, utterly inadequate to the present crisis.

The people of Ireland consequently resolved to defend theirselves. Corps of volunteers were

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formed in every part of the kingdom, whose imposing attitude prevented the intended invasion. The weakness and poverty of government, at this critical period; its dependence on the voluntary exertions of the inhabitants, together with the rising patriotism of the nation, influenced parliament to take the public distress into more serious consideration; as they evinced, in the following address for commercial freedom.

"We beg leave humbly to represent to your majesty, that it is not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone, that this nation is now to be saved from impending ruin. And from your majesty's gracious declaration, a declaration imprinted in our hearts in characters of indelible gratitude, that "anxious for the happiness of all your people, you will most chearfully co-operate with your parliaments in such measures as may promote the common interests of all your subjects," we draw the happiest presages, in favour of a measure, essential to the existence of this kingdom, and which appears to us conducive to the interests of Great Britain.

"Permit us to assure your majesty, that we have every disposition to go as far as the national abilities will, in making a provision for the honourable support of your majesty's government; but with hearts glowing with the warmest wishes for the prosperity and glory of the British empire, and full of zeal against the common enemy, we have the mortification to find, that the limited state of our trade and commerce must, by narrowing our resources, set bounds to our libera

lity, very far short of our earnest inclinations." As this was the commencement of the efforts, that procured for Ireland a free trade and free parliament, a brief statement of the debates on the address may not be unacceptable. Mr. Grattan replied to Sir Robert Deane, and Mr. R. H. Hutchinson, who moved an address of thanks to the lord lieutenant, in the servile language of ministerialists, echoing the speech delivered at the opening of the session. "The speech contained nothing satisfactory," he said; " it meant to quiet the minds of the people, without any declaration whatever. After his majesty had been addressed by his Irish subjects for a free export trade, did such addresses require no answer? Were the people of Ireland undeserving the notice of the British ministers? Was there no respect for the interests of these kingdoms, among the servants of the crown on this side of the water? Were not these servants of the crown also representatives of the people? Why not then speak out? Are our distresses of so private a nature, that they must not be mentioned?......It is plain we have nothing to expect, since applications from the people, backed with the same from the officers from the crown, are not attended to. Ireland, then, has nothing to depend upon but her spirit; no redress of grievances, no extension of trade, but from the efforts of her people! and will it be politic, will it be safe, here or elsewhere, to oppose these efforts? Why does not our address also speak out? Why have we less spirit than the people? Shall the Commops

of Ireland shew less spirit than the most insignificant corporation? Are we so fallen, so despicable, as to be more afraid of England's censure, than of the cries of our starving manufacturers?

The distresses of this kingdom are two-fold, the beggary of the people, and the bankruptcy of the state. The first, he would not ask the commissioners of the revenue to prove, but he would ask them upon oath, whether the restrictions upon our trade were not the cause? Whether the prohibitions, laid on by England, against the exports of woollen cloths, did not occasion it? Whether there were not too many inhabitants in this kingdom, though not half peopled? Whether those inhabitants, was the American continent still open, would they not have emigrated thither, rather than pine in their native land, the victims of English tyranny; rather than starve in it, by an English act of parliament? And, lastly, was there one rich merchant in the kingdom? This kingdom, ruined by a balance of trade against her for so many years, and the drain of absentees, owes its present existence to associations; it is but a temporary expedient, and something more effectual must be done.

"As to the bankruptcies of the state, they are the consequence of a system of boundless prodigality, profligacy, and violence; a boundless prodigality, while our means were limited; a profligacy and violence uniformly maintained. One instance will suffice, where the late attorneygeneral obliged the merchants of Cork to sign an illegal bond, as a collateral security to an

illegal oath. The peace establishment of this poor country, amounts to one-sixth of that of England; what proportion is there in our means? What is this establishment? Infamous pensions to infamous men!..... And will those men, whom we pay, vote against an extension of our trade? vote against the means of supporting them! To what pass have these profligate administrations reduced this kingdom! to be insulted with our poverty, in the speech from the throne; to be told of our beggary; that the officers of the crown here have begged £50,000 from England, or the troops could not have marched into camp; when it is known, that it is this profligacy that has unnerved the arm of government, and made the sword of defence fall in its hand." He then moved, "that we beseech your majesty to believe, that it is with the utmost reluctance we are constrained to approach you on the present occasion; but the constant drain to supply absentees, and the unfortunate prohibition of our trade, have caused such calamity, that the natural support of our country has decayed, and our manufacturers are dying for want. Famine stalks hand in hand with hopeless wretchedness, and the only means left to support the expiring trade of this miserable part of your majesty's dominions, is to open a free export trade, and let your Irish subjects enjoy their natural birth-right."

This amendment was seconded by lord Westport. Several members spoke in the debate, which terminated in the adoption of that proposed by prime sergeant, Hussey Burgh," that

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