viceroys. He was, in particular, respected by lords Hertford, Halifax, Chesterfield, Harrington, Northumberland, &c. He had to bear the mortification, of incessantly struggling in the cause of his suffering country in vain. This eminent and genuine patriot, like others of that rare description, felt the ingratitude of his adored country, as did likewise his distressed progeny.

But in vain were all the efforts of the virtuous few, to defend the rights of a much injured people. To no purpose they proved hostile misgovernment, tyrannic oppression, from the impoverished state of a country, naturally abounding with resources, a rapidly increasing debt, and taxes encreasing as fast. Lavish expenditure of the public money, places, pensions, &c. were incessantly rung in the ears of a corrupt majority, and an enslaved people. Yet, corrupt as these majorities were, there were some cases, in which the castle pensioners resisted its mandates, for instance: two attempts of lord Townsend, in 1769, to pass an act for originating money bills in the English privy council, instead of the commons of Ireland, were defeated; and Woodfall's Public Advertiser, of date Dec. 9, 1769, was ordered by the Irish commons to be burned, by the common hangman, for a libel on their opposition to these ministerial encroachments on their rights. This libel breathes such domineering arrogance, sullen contempt, and determined hostility to the freedom, independence and prosperity of Ireland, as clearly characterize the public, for whose perusal it was printed. "Hiber

nian patriotism is a transcript of that filthy idol, worshipped at the London Tavern; insolence, assumed from an opinion of impunity, usurps the place which boldness against real injuries ought to hold. The refusal of the late bill, because it was not brought in contrary to the practice of ages, in violation of the constitution, and to the certain ruin of the dependance of Ireland upon Great Britain, is a behaviour more suiting an army of White-Boys than the grave representatives of a nation. This is the most daring insult, that has been offered to government. It must be counteracted with firmness, or else the state is ruined. Let the refractory house be dissolved; should the next copy their example, let it also be dissolved; and if the same spirit of seditious obstinacy should continue, I know no remedy but one, and it is extremely obvious. The parliament of Great Britain is supreme over its conquests, as well as colonies, and the service of the nation must not be left undone, on account of the factious obstinacy of a provincial assembly. Let our legislature, for they have an undoubted right, vote the Irish supplies; and so save a nation, that their own obstinate representatives endeavour to ruin."

Feeble as were these obstacles to British tyranny, they caused a prorogation of parliament successively, during fourteen months, until the members should be so drilled, as to yield more obedience. This prime object being accomplished, at the public expence, the parliament was convened, February 26, 1771, in which the

ministerial phalanx appeared strongly recruited, by the diligent profusion of the viceroy. Most eminent among these mercenary proselytes, was the PATRIOT, Sexton Pery; among the articles of whose bargain were, to be chosen speaker, and raised to the peerage. Addresses, as usual, were prepared, which, besides the ordinary expressions of loyalty to his majesty, conveyed most humble and grateful thanks, for continuing lord Townsend in the government of Ireland. This fulsome address, condemning the preceding sessions, and justifying the viceroy's unconstitutional steps, in discontinuing the sittings, and corrupting the members of parliament, being carried by a majority of 132 against 107, John Ponsonby, the speaker, declining to be the bearer of such an address, resigned the chair, whereupon Edmond Sexton Pery was appointed in his place.

Constituted as the parliament now was, the mandates of the castle were not disobeyed; nevertheless, the patriots were firm in their opposition, and resolved to leave to posterity a memorial of the misgovernment, with which, in all times and circumstances, and in every variety of forms, Ireland was crushed. They moved, "that an humble address be presented to his majesty, expressing, that his faithful commons of Ireland have been always most ready to repose the utmost trust in the persons employed in high authority under his majesty; that therefore his faithful commons did confidently hope, that a law for securing the independency of the judges of this `kingdom would have passed: such a law having

been recommended, and promised by his excellency the lord lieutenant, in the speech from the throne, in the first session of his excellency's government. That, in like manner, as his excellency had recommended to that house, in his speech from the throne, in that session of parliamant, an attention to the high price of corn, his majesty's faithful commons did flatter themselves, that the tillage of the kingdom would have received encouragement; but that, on the contrary, in a session professedly called for the making and receiving useful laws, his majesty's commons had the unspeakable grief to find, that two laws heretofore enacted, and transmitted, in order to be continued and revived, for the benefit of tillage; one for the restraining of distilleries, the other for a bounty on the carriage of corn coastways, had not been returned, though calculated to meet and correspond with the wishes of government, expressed from the throne, respecting that important article to the community, whereby that kingdom has been debarred of the benefit of two useful laws; the salutary effects of which they had formerly experienced, and which the then existing circumstances of that country, and the morals of the people, peculiarly required. That the suppression of those bills, and the unexpected alteration of others, whereby the hopes of that country, founded in the declarations of his majesty's servants there, had been frustrated, tended to weaken the confidence of the public in his majesty's ministers, so essential to the dignity of the crown, and to the happiness of the subject.

That both public and private credit was in a very low state, that government securities, which used to bear a considerable premium, could not then be circulated at par. That money could scarcely be obtained, and that the price of land was falling. That the circumstances could not fail to be attended by melancholy and anxious apprehensions in the most loyal of his majesty's subjects; and imploring that his majesty would be graciously pleased to take such steps for the remedy thereof, as his royal wisdom and paternal dignity should suggest." This motion was negatived, by 123 against 68.

Sixteen peers did likewise enter their protest, against a paragraph in the address to the king, in praise of Townsend's administration, assigning their reasons for disapproving thereof: namely, misapplication of the public money, subversion of the basis of civil liberty, and other mal-practices.

Lord Townsend's method of disciplining the commons, considerably encreased the national debt; but he was quite satisfied, as he secured a decided majority in the parliament, in support of the English interest, and quite independent of the oligarchy. Notwithstanding his boast of economy, which could not stand without concealing the public accounts, he was obliged, during the fourth session, to apply for aid, to defray arrears, alleged to have been incurred for the public service, though expended in corrupting the legislature. In fact, there was no public service at the time, that justified the arrears. The

VOL. IV.