HISTORY OF THE BOROUGHS OF GREAT BRITAIN. BEDFORDSHIRE. T was not our original intention to have entered not tur ecting the reprefentation of counties; as their political integrity is fpotlefs, when compared with the delinquency of boroughs. But as influence has extended itself over more than half the constituent body of freeholders in these kingdoms; and that influence being in general vefted in peers, and therefore the more dangerous, from being the most authoritative and unconftitutional; county representation is thus a most indispensable part of our duty to notice. B VOL. I. Another Another infurmountable objection to the prefent fyftem of county reprefentation, and which conftitutes it an aristocratical establishment, is that of its being a partial representation of property,* and not an entire free reprefentation of perfons. This is not only repugnant to the first principle of liberty, but to the very existence of the conftitution. This abuse of our original rights has caufed an aristocracy in the nobility, and ordains the reprefentation of the people, a democratic balance to that of the monarchy. In addition to what we have established as conftitutional right in our fhort hiftorical view preceding these pages, we think it neceffary here to infert what the Rev. Mr. Burgh has, with so much juftice and liberality, faid on this fubject. We are the more anxious to ftate his obfervations, as they are not only congenial to our own, but are a moft refpectable confirmation of the refult of our preceding inquiries. "Every one has what may be called property, and unalienable property: every man has a life, a * Vide fupra, on copyholders. per perfonal liberty, a character, a right to his earnings, a right to a religious profeffion and worship according to his confcience, &c.; and many men, who are in a state of dependence upon others, and who receive charity, have wives and children, in whom they have a right. Thus the poor are in danger of being injured by the government in a variety of ways. But, according to the commonly received doctrine, that fervants, and those who receive alms, have no right to vote for members of parliament, an immenfe multitude of the people are utterly deprived of all power in determining who fhall be the protectors of their lives, their perfonal liberty, their little property (which, though fingly confidered, is of small value, yet is upon the whole a very great object), and the chastity of their wives and daughters. What is particularly hard upon the poor in this cafe is, that though they have no fhare in determining who fhall be the lawgivers of their country, they have a very heavy share in raising the taxes which fupport government. The taxes on malt, on beer, leather, foap, candles, and other articles, which are paid chiefly by the poor, who are allowed no votes for members of parliament, B 2 amount amount to as much as a heavy land-tax. The landed intereft would complain greivously, if they had no power of electing representatives; and it is an established maxim in free states, that whoever contributes to the expences of government, ought to be fatisfied concerning the application of the money contributed by them, consequently ought to have a fhare in electing those who have the power of applying their money. Nor has the receiving of alms been always held a fufficient reafon for refusing the privilege of voting, as appears by the following refolution of the house of commons-"That the freemen of the port of Sandwich, inhabiting within the faid borough (although they receive alms), have a right to "vote in electing barons to ferve in parlia "ment. " It is likewise held to be law at this day, that a frecholder receiving alms does not thereby forfeit his elective franchife, of which every other elector in this cafe is divefted. These arguments appear to us incontrovertible. But, whatever difference of opinion may prevail, it will certainly be admitted that every inhabitant householder, at leaft paying |