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to take leave; I then raised my finger, and observed, "Take care, you are playing a dangerous game." He answered, " It will succeed."—I again observed, "Take care;" and be replied with a strong affirmation, "Burr will be here by the beginning of next month." In addition to these corroborating circumstances against Alexander, I beg leave to present the accompanying documents, A. 8. From all which I feel no hesitation in declaring, under the solemn obligation of an oath, that I do believe the said Swartwout, Alexander, and Ogden, have been parties to, and have been concerned in the insurrection formed or forming in the states and territories on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, against the law and constitution of the United States.
(Signed) "james Wilkinson.
"Sworn to, and subscribed before me, tin's 26'lh day of December, in the year of our Lord ISOrj.
(Signed) "Geo. Pollock.
"Justice of the Peace for the County of Orleans."
The Deposition of IV. Eaton, Esq.
"Early last winter, colonel Burr, late vice president of the united states, signified to me at this place, that under the authority of the general government, he was organizing a secret expedition against the Spanish provinces on the south western borders: which expedition he was to lead, and in which he was authorised to invite me to take the command of a division. I had never before been made personally acquainted with colonel Burr; and having for many years been employed in foreign service, I knew but little . about the estimation this gentleman
now held in the opinion of bis countrymen and his government; the rank and confidence by which be had lately been so distinguished, left me no right to suspect his patriotism. I knew him a soldier. In case of a war with the Spanish nation, which from the tenor of the president's message to both houses of Congress seemed probable, I should have thought it my duty to obey so honourable a call of my country; and under that impression, I did engage to embark in the expedition. 1 had frequent interviews with colonel Burr in this city—and, for a considerable time, his object seemed to be to instruct me by maps and other information, the feasibility of penetrating to Mexico—always carrying forward the idea that the measure was authorised by government. At length, some time in February, he, by degrees, began to unveil himself—be reproached the government with want of character, want of gratitude, and nantof justice, lie seemed desirous of irritating resentment in my breast, by dilating on certain injuries he felt I had suffered from reflections made on the floor of the house of representatives concerning my operations in Barbary, and from the delays of government, in adjusting my claims for disbursements on the coast during my consular agency at Tunis; and he said he would point me to an honourable mode of indemnity. I now began to entertain a suspicion that Mr. Burr was projecting an unauthorised military expedition, which to me was enveloped in mystery; and desirous to draw an explanation from him, I suffered him to suppose me resigned to his counsel. He now laid open his project of revolutionizing the western country; separating it from the union, establishing a monarch v monarchy there, of which he was to he the sovereign; New Orleans to be his capital: organizing a force on tlie waters of the Mississippi, and extending conquest to Mexico. I suggested a number of impediments to his scheme—such as the republican habits of the citizens of that country, and their affection towards our present administration of government; the want of funds; the resislance he would meet with from the regular army of the United States on those frontiers; and the opposition of Miranda in case he should succeed to republicanize the Mexicans.
"Mr. Burr found no difficulty Jh removing these obstacles:—he said lie had, the preceding season, made a lour through that country, and had secured the attachment of the principal citizens of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana, to his person and his measures—declared he had inexhaustible resources to funds: assurd me the regular army would act with him, and would be re-inforced by 10 or 12,000 men from the above-mentioned states and territories, and from other parts of the union: said he had powerful agents in the .Spanish territory—and, as for Miranda, said Mr. Burr, we must hang Miranda. lie now proposed to give me the second command in his army; I asked him who should have the chief command? He said general Wilkinson. I observed that it was singular he should count on general Wilkinson: the elevated rank ami high trust he now held as commander in chief of our army, and governor of a province, he "would hardly put at hazard for any precarious prospects of aggrandizement. Mr. Burr said, that general Wilkinson halauced in the confidence of government, was doubtful of retaining much
longer the consideration he now enjoyed, aud was consequently prepared to secure to himself a permanency.
"I asked Mr. Burr, if he knew general Wilkinson 1" He answered, yes: and echoed the question. I said, I knew him well. "What do you know of him 1" said Mr. Burr. —I know, I replied, that general Wilkinson will act as lieuteu: it to no man in existence. "You are in an error," said Mr. Burr—" Wilkinson will act as lieulenaut to me," From the tenor of repeated conversations with Mr. Burr, I was induced to believe the plan of separating the union, which he had contemplated, had' been communicated to and approved of by general Wilkinson (though I now suspect it an artful argument of seduction); and he often expressed a full confidence that the general's influence—the offer of double pay and double rations—the prospect of plunder, and the ambition of achievement, would draw the army into his measures. Mr. Burr talked of the establishment of an independent government west of the Alleghany as a matter of inherent constitutional right of the people; a change which would eventually take place, and for the operations of which the present crisis was peculiar favourable. There was, said he, no energy in the government to be dreaded, and the divisions of political opinions throughout the union was a circumstance of which we should profit. There were very many enterprising men among us who aspired to something beyond the dull pursuits of civil life, and who would voluuteer in this enterprise; and the vast territory belonging to the United States which offered to adventurers, aud the mines of Mexico, would
bring strength to bis sipiadron from all quarters.—I listened to 1 lie e\positioi) of colonel Burr's views with seeming acquiescence. Every interview convinced nie more and more that he had organized a deep laid plot of treason in the not, in the accomplishment of which he leit fully confident. Till at length I discovered that his ambition was not bounded by the waters of the Mississippi and Mexico, but that he meditated overthrowing the present government of our country. He said, if he could gain over the marine corps, and secure the naval commanders, Truxton, Preble, Decatur, and others, he wouhl turn Congress neck and heels out of doors; assassinate the president; seize dn the treasury and the navy, and declare himself the protector of an energetic government.
"The honourable trust of corrupting the marine corps, and of sounding commodore Preble and captain Decatur,»colonel Burr proposed coufiding to me. Shocked at this proposition, 1 dropped the mask, and exclaimed against bis views. He talked of the degraded situation of our country, and the necessity of a blow by which its energy and its dignity should he restored—said, if that blow could be struck here at this time, he was confident of the best blood of America. I told colonel Burr he deceived himself in presuming that he, or any other man, could excite a party in this country who would countenance Jrim in such a plot of desperation, murder, and treason. He replied, thai he, perhaps, knew better the dispositions of the influential citizens of this country than I did. I told him one solitary word would destroy him. He asked what word; I an
swered tiwrpa-.' He smiled at wny hesitation, and quoted sonic great examples in his favour. 1 observed to him, that F had lately travelled from one extreme of the union to the other* and though I found a diversity of political opinion among the people, they appeared united at the most distant aspect of national danger. That, for the section of the union to which I belonged, I would vouch, should he succeed in the first instance here, he would within six weeks afterwards have bis throat cut by Yankee militia.
"Though wild and extravagant Mr. Burr's last project, and though fraught with premeditated slaughter, I felt very uneasy on the subject, because its defeat he had deposited in my own hands. I did not feel so secure concerning that of disjointing the union. But the very interesting and embarrassing situation in which his communications placed me, left me, I confess, at a stand to know how to couduct myself with propriety. He had committed no overt act of aggression against law. 1 could draw nothing from him in writing; nor could I learn that he had exposed his plans to any person near me by whom my testimony could be supported, lie had mentioned to me no persons who were principally and decidedly engaged with him, except general Wilkinson—a Mr. Alston, who 1 found was his son-in-law— and a Mr. Kphraim Kirby, late a captain of rangers in general Wynne's army. Satisfied that Mr. Burr was resolute in pushing his object of rebellion in the west of the Alleghany, and apprehensive that it was loo well and too extensively organized to be easily suppressed; though ■ 1 dreaded the weight of his character wh«n bid in
the balance against my solitary assertion, I brought myself to the resolution to endeavour to defeat it by getting him removed from among us, or to expose myself to all consequences by u disclosure of his intentions.
"Accordinsly, I wailed on the president of the United Slates, and alter some desultory conversation, iu which I aimed to draw his view to the westward, I used the freedom to say to the president, I thought Mr. Burr should be sent out of this country, and gave for reason, that I believed him dangerous in it. The president asked where he should be sent? I mentioned London and Cadiz. The president thought the trust too important, and seemed to entertain a douht of Mr. Burr's integrity. I intimated that no one perhaps, had stronger grounds to mistrust Mr. Burr's moral integrity than myself; yet I believed, ambition so much predominated over him, than when placed on an eminence, and put on his honour, respect to himself would ensure his fidelity: his talents were unquestionable. I perceived the subject was disagreeable to the president; aud to give it the shortest course to the point, declared my concern that if Mr. Burr were not in some way disposed of, we should, within eighteen months, have an insurrection, if not a revolution, on the waters of the Mississippi. The president answered, that he had too much confidence in the information, the integrity, and the attachment of the union of the citizens of that country, to admit an apprehension of that kind: I am happy that events prov. the confidence well placed. As no interrogatories fallowed my expression of
alarm, I thought silence on the subject, at that time and place, became me.
"But I detailed, about the same time, the whole projects of Mr. Burr, to certain members of congress. They believed colonel Burr capable of any thing—and agreed that th« fellow ought to be hanged; but thought his projects too chimerical, and iiis circumstances too desperate, to give the subject the merit of serious consideration.—The total security of feeling in those to whom I had rung the tocsin, induced me to suspect my own apprehensions unseasonable, or at least too deeply admitted; and of course, I grew indifferent about the subject.
"Mr. Burr's visits to me became less frequent, and his conversation less familiar, lie appeared to haw abandoned the idea of a general revolution; but seemed determined on lint of the Mississippi; and, althou^i I could perceive symptoms of distrust iu him towards me, he manifested great solicitude to engage me with him in the enterprise. Weary of his importunity, and at once to convince him of my serious attachments, I gave the following toast in public:—
"Thkunitkd States.—Palsy to the brain that should plot to dismember, and leprosy to the haud that will not draw to defend our union."
"I doubt whether the sentiment was better understood by any of my acquaintance than colonel Burr. Our intercourse ended here. We met but seldom afterwards. I returned to my farm in Massachusetts, and thought no more of Mr. Burr and bis empire, till some time late in September, or beginning of October, when a letter from Morris Belknap, of Mariclto, to Timothy E. Dauielson, fell into my hands at Brimtield, which satisfied me that Mr. Burr liad actually commenced his preparatory operations on the Ohio. I now spoke publicly of the fact, and transmitted a copy of the letter from Belknap to the department of state; and about the same time forwarded, tlirough the hands of the post-niastes-general, to the president of the United Slates, a statement in substance of what is here above detailed, concerning the Mississippi conspiracy of colonel A. Burr—which is said to have been the first formal intelligence' received by the executive on the subject of the conspirator being in motion.
"I know not whether my country will allow me the merit of correctness of conduct in this affair. The novelty of the duty might, perhaps, have embarrassed stronger minds than mine. The uprightness of my intention, I hope, will not be questioned.
"The interviews between colonel Burr and myself, from which the foregoing statement has resulted, were chit-fly in this city, in the months of February and March, last year, "ffsr. Eaton.
"Washington City, Jan. 26".
"Sworn to in open court, this
Message of Bonaparte to the French Senatr.
"Senators, "We have given orders for a projet of the senatus consultum to be laid before you; in order for the im
mediate calling out of the conscription for 1808.
"The report which our minister of war has transmitted to us will acquaint you with the various advantages vhich must be the result of this measure.
"All the nations round us are arming; England has again set on foot an extraordinary levy of 200,000 men. Other powers, as well as England, are adopting the measure of extraordinary levies, as their last resource. However strong and numerous our armies may be, we are by no moans convinced that the regulations of the senatus consultum will be the less necessary and advantageous. At any rate, the sight of the triple barrier of camps, which encircle our territory must nave the same effect upon our enemy as the triple line of fortresses which defend our advanced frontier. This will leave them without the least hope of gaining any advantage over us, will assuage their fury, and finally, in consequence of their total incapacity to do us any injury, will bring them back to a sense of reason and justice.
"The zeal with which onr people have executed the senatus consultum of September 24, 1S05, and that of December 4, 'l806, has made a sensible impression upon our gratitude. Every Frenchn an will probably shew himself worthy of so honourable a name.
"We have nominated senators to the command and direction of these interesting young men—senators who have already distinguished themselves in the career of glory. Wc flatter ourselves, that in consequence of this determination, you will justify the unlimited confidence reposed in you.