sed by his majesty's ministers, at a time when there existed no difference between any of the branches of the legislature, and no sufficient cause for a fresh appeal to his majesty's people was justified by no public necessity, or advantage. That by the interruption of all pri vate business, then depending in parliament, it had been productive of great and needless inconvenience and expence, thereby wantonly adding to the heavy burdens. which the necessity of the times require. That it had retarded many useful laws, for the internal improvement of the kingdom, and for the encouragement and extension of its agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. And that it had either suspended, or wholly defeated, many most important public measures, and had protracted much of the most weighty business of parliament, to a season of the year when its prosecution, must be attended with the greatest public and private inconvenience. And that they felt themselves bound still farther to submit to his majesty, that all these mischiefs were greatly aggrava. ted by the groundless and injurious pretences on which his majesty's ministers had publicly rested this their evil advice; pretences affording no justification for the measure, but calculated only to excite the most dangerous animosities among his majesty's subjects, at a period when their united efforts were more than ever necessary, for the secu rity of the empire; and when, to promote the utmost harmony, and co-operation amongst them, would have been the first object of wise and prudent ministers."-The amend ment was supported by lord Holland, lord Erskine, the earl of

The main question on the address was then put, and carried in the affirmative.

On the same day, an address in answer to the speech from the throne, was moved in the house of commons, by the lord viscount Newark, and seconded by Mr. Hall.

He

The speaker having then read the address, lord Howick spoke long against it, particularly in defence of the catholic bill, and about the inconveniencies to individua's, and danger to the constitution, arising from the abrupt dissolution of last parliament. concluded his speech with moving an amendment to the same effect, as that proposed in the house of lords, by lord Fortescue. The amendment was supported by Mr. Windham, Mr. Grattan, lord Milton, lord Pollington, ford Temple, lord H. Petty, Mr. T. Grenville, and Mr. Whitbread: the original motion by the chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Dennis Browne, Mr. Ryder, who spoke at great length, and Mr. Canning.-As to one of the main arguments against the address, or in other words, the dissolution of the last parliament, the inconvenience arising from thence, respecting private bills, the chancellor of the exchequer said, that he had it in intention to make a proposition

would do all that away. In the course of this debate, lord Cochrane took an early opportunity of giving a public pledge of his pure and disinterested regard to the public wel fare. He expressed a hope that, as each party charged the other with making jobs, with a view to influance the election, the conduct of both, in this respect, should be inquired into. He hoped some third party would arise, which would keep aloof from selfish interests, and sinecure places. He would not support either of the present parties, unless they should act upon principles different from those by which they appeared to be guided at present. The house becoming clamorous for the question, divided: when there appeared, For the original address, For the amendment,

Majority,

350

155

195

The house adjourned at half-past six in the morning.

House of commons, June 29th.The speaker acquainted the house, that pursuant to its direction, an account had been prepared of all private bills, pending at the time of the late dissolution, with the se. veral stages in which they were on the 27th of April, and those that were passed with the exception of receiving the royal assent. The account was laid on the table and ordered to be printed. The chancellor of the exchequer then rose, to submit to the house a motion, which, he hoped, would remove all the inconveniences respecting private bills, arising from the late dissolution of parliament.-He never had said that the dissolution was

it was merely on a comparison of that inconvenience, with the superior importance of the reasons, that rendered the dissolution necessary at that precise time that he defended it. The principal inconveniences complained of, were the delay, and the additional expence. The delay of two months, he hoped, could not be attended with any material inconvenience; and as to the expence, it would be obviated in one of its branches, by the liberality of the officers, who, according to the precedent, established by their former liberality in 1781, agreed to advance the bills so pending at the dissolution, to their former stages, without any additional fees. It remained only to obviate the expence of agency, and the attendance of witnesses in town. This was the principal object of the resolution. he meant to propose, which was to give an instruction to the committee, to which every petition for a private bill should be preferred, to enquire whether any petition had been already presented in the late session, from the same parties, on the same subject; and if so, that the minutes of the evidence, taken before the committee on that former petition, should be evidence before the said committee; and so, in like manner, with respect to private bills, founded on such petitions, allowing the committees to call for further evidence, if necessary. Mr. Curwen could not reconcile himself to so dangerous a precedent as this, which, by presenting a mode for relieving the private inconveniences incident to such a stretch of power, would always render it a matter of facility, for ministers to dissolve parliament, in every case

in

in which its temper and disposition might be adverse to their views.Mr. Curwen was followed, on the same side of the question, by lord H. Petty, lord Howick, sir John Newport, Mr. Bastard, and sir John Anstruther. They were replied to, on the other side, by the chancellor of the exchequer, and Mr. Rose. Mr. Shaw Le Fevre moved, that the debate be'adjourned till the next day. This produced a short discussion, in which it was contended, on the one hand, that there were no grounds, and on the other, that there were ample grounds, for such a postponement. The house divided: For the amendment, Against it, The resolution was then put and çarried. The following resolutions were then agreed to, on the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer. That no private bills be presented after Monday, the 13th of July. That no reports or private bills be received, after Monday the 27th of July.

76

161

The next business of importance in the house of commons was, the appointment of a new committee of finance. On Tuesday, June the 30th, the chancellor of the exchequer, pursuant to his notice, in consequence of the general sense of the house, and in obedience to the recommendation in the commissioners speech, for the renewal of those inquiries that had been interrupted by the late dissolution of parliament, rose to move for the renewal of the finance committee. The only question, he said, on which any difference could arise, was, as to the persons whom, in the appointment of the committee, the house might think proper to select. On

this subject, he had reason to think that a difference of opinion would prevail, as from some expressions that had fallen from gentlemen on the other side of the house, it appeared that they would be disappointed if all the members of the former committee, who were members of the house, should not be appointed.-As he did not mean to enlarge the number beyond 25, the number of which the former committee had consisted, because that was the greatest number that could conveniently assemble for business, he meant to exclude some of the former members, in order to introduce others, for the more impartial constitution of the committee. The five that had been re. moved by the event of the election, were not enough for that purpose, and the house would in its discretion decide upon that point. In the appointment of the committee also, he meant to adopt the suggestion of the noble lord, by giving the preference to the appointment of it openly to a ballot. It was his opinion that the appointment by ballot, was in general to be preferred. Nothing could be more invidious than the discussing, whether any particular individual was a proper person to be appointed on the com. mittee; and also the fitness of persons to act together upon such a committee, could be better consult. ed by individuals making out their lists for a ballot. He had acceded, however, to the suggestions of the noble lord, because he would thereby get rid of any suspicion that any thing was intended, which they were afraid to avow openly. Before he made any motion, he should read over a list of the committee he meant to propose, in order that the

house

house might see whether he had not retained the most efficient members of the late committee. He had already stated the necessity of making some alteration in the constitution of the committee, because there were many acts of the late administration which would be subjects of enquiry. He could state many facts which would induce the house not to trust with implicit confidence to those, who were disposed only to praise the late administration, and who, by their overbearing authority in the committee, might keep back the enquiries into their particular acts. The late ministers had expressed themselves, in the first appointment of the committee, very much averse to the grant of places in reversion; there was, however, one instance to which attention had been called, of their having, a short time before they went out of office, appointed to offices in reversion, of a most extraordinary nature: he alluded to the appointment of a collector and surveyor of customs, in the port of Buenos Ayres, a place not then in the possession of his majesty. These were reversionary grants, to take place upon an uncertain contingency, and made by those gentlemen who appeared to be so nice on this subject. He had on a former occasion stated, without giving any opinion upon the propriety of appointing such officers, the nomination of three-hundred surveyors of taxes. The nomina. tion was founded on a representation from the commissioners of taxes, made in March 1803, but the appointment could not take place, till the business was submitted to parliament. When the dissolution took place in October, without any sancon of parliament having been obVOL. XLIX.

not

tained for these appointments, the persons were designated to the offices, in a way the noble lord had said on a former night: members of parliament waited on the minister, they were received civilly, and the promises made. But the parliament met in December, and sat some months; the measure for sanctioning the appointment was brought forward, and the honourable gentlemen opposite, when they lost the power of performance, were compelled to revert to the con. doling letters to which he had be fore alluded. This circumstance would induce the house not to place implicit or peculiar confidence in those gentlemen who viewed every thing in the same light with the late administration. Another appointment, made by the late administration, was, that of gazette-writer, created by patent for Scotland, with a salary of £.300 per This office had been before divided between the editors of three newspapers: he wished the honourable gentleman to hear his statement, and to bear in mind, that the busi. ness of the office was performed by these three persons, without any expence to the public, though they made a profit of £.200 a year by the publications in their newspapers. These persons had been turned out of their employment, and an appointment by patent, given to the present possessor; and he should ask, whether any gent eman believed that this had been done with any other view than to give a place to that person? He should not dwell in detail upon all the acts of the late administration, but he confessed himself at a loss to understand what they could mean by the ap. pointment of a professor of medical Ꭱ jurisprudence.

annum.