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lord-lieutenant. Leave was given to bring in these bills; which, through the usual stages, though not without a good deal of opposition, were passed into laws. The expediency, and indeed necessity of them, was admitted by Mr. Grattan.

House of Commons, July 7.— Lord Cochrane, after a suitable introduction, moved, that a a committee should be appointed, to inquire and rej-.ort what places, salaries, and emoluments derived from the public, were held by members of pcT-liamer.t, their wives, or other dej-.ndents, or others in trust for them, in possession or reversion, throughout the whole of his majesty's dominions." This motion was seconded by Mr. Cochrane Johnstone, and supported by Mr. Curwen, Mr. John Smith, Mr. Lt-thridge, Mr. Lyttleton, sir J. Sebright, Mr. William Smith, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Calcraft. and lord Henry P«t'y.—Mr. Banks thought it invidious and improper to convey to the public, an insinuation that members of parliament were influenced by considerations of prirate advantage, for themselves or their dependants. It was most essential that, at this critical period, the character of the house of commons should not be degraded or depreciated. On the who!:, how«-ver desirous te afford information to the public, he could not consent to the noble lord's motion in its present form. Mr. VVhitbread, concurring in principle with the noble lord wljo had brought forward the motion, was of opinion, that if the motion were referred to the committee of finance, with an instruction to inquire into, and report upon the matter contained in it,

the report would probably be of a most useful description. Agreeably to this idea, the chancellor of the exchequer proposed that the motion should run as follows: "That there should be an instruction to the committee of public expenditure, to procure a list of all places, pensions, &c. specifying by whom they were held, with the exception of the army and navy, and offices below j£200 a year in the revenue; and cause this list to be laid on the table." The house divided on lord Cochrane's motion:

Ayes .... 61 Noes - - - - HO Mr. Perceval then moved his amendment. Mr. Whitbread observed, that it was unquestionably lord Cochrane'e meaning, that there should be exhibited during the present session of parliament, a list of all the members of that house, holding sinecure offices, places, &c. under government, and in that way liable to have their conduct influenced. If such a return should not be made, the house would disgrace itself. Those who respected the house at present, would suspect that all was not right; and those who already suspected it, would have their suspicions eeniirmrd. Mr. Sheridan also observed that the amendment proposed by the chancellor of the exchequer, which went to exhibit a list of all sinecure placemen and pensioners whatever, was nothing but an evasion of lord Cochrane's motion. It was to overwhelm the inquiry, and to suffocate and strangle the object which the noble lord had in view.- After some further debate among other members, the house divided, when Mr. Perceval's motion was carried by a great majority. R 1 House

House of Lords, August 4.—On the order of the day being read for the second reading of the bill for preventing the granting of offices in reversion, it was supported by the earls of Grosvenor, Lauderdale, and Selkirk, and the lords Holland and Bormj;Jon. L.*d Boringdon expressed his rerret at differing from many noble lords with whom he usually actc-d; hut when he considered that this bill had been supported by ministers, had passed the other house, aiul been received with nearly an unanimous consent, and also the circumstances of the present room< it, he thought it his duty to vote for it. On the other hand, by lord Arden and the lord viscount Melville. The house having divided, on a motion for reading the bill a second time,that day three months, there appeared,

Contents ... 15

Non-contents - - 9

The bill was therefore lost.—But in

the house of commons, August 10,

Mr. Bankes, after many prefatory

observations, moved, " That an humble address should be presented to his majesty, praying that he would be pleased not to grant any office in reversion, until six weeks after the meeting of the next session of parliament;" adding, by way of notice, that early in that session, he would move for leave to bring in a bill, similar to the one which had been lost, that the house of commons, at least, might have an opportuuily of uuequivorally shewing its own opinion. After a good deal of conversation, the question was put on Mr. Isankes's motion, which was carried, nem. con. Ant' it was ordered, that the address should be presented to his majesty, by such members of that house as were also members of his majesty's most honourable privy council.

House of Lords, August 14.—A speech was delivered by the lord chancellor, in his majesty's name, to both houses of parliament,* which was prorogued to Thursday, the 24th of September.

» See State Papers, p. 725.

CHAP. IX contemplating the events of the year 1807. the mind is forcibly impressed by a very general, and, as H should at first sight appear, a very calamitous extension of the war in which our country has been for so many years, almost uninterruptedly, engaged. We call this extension apparently calamitous, bf-cause, akhough we see powers hith'Tio neutral, and seme of them the allies of Kr^at Hritain, r< versing their respective relations, and en. gaging in hostilities against her; jet, on a slight view of the means of annoyance possessed by those powers, and on reference to what his actually happened, it will be sten also, that in reluctantly sub. mitting themselves to the dictates of tlie French ruler, they have forced upon us contests for the most part bloodless, in which the pen rathtr than toe sword has been the arbiter of our differences. Austria, Russia, the Ottoman Porte, Prussia, and Denmark, have, in the present rear, been added to the already formidable host of our enemies, and it cannot escape observation, with what indifference so large an ac. cession of hostile agency was re. ceived by the British public, and we may alto add, by the' govern■wnt into whose balance the weight


Tkt Year 1807 characterized by a calamitous Extension of the JVar. War tziih Denmark. The Circumstances in ichich it originated, and the military and naval Measures by zchich it teas commenced. •—Attempt to preserve Peace and Amity betzcecn Great Britain and Denmark by Negotiation.Expedition under the Command of Lord C'thcart and Admiral Gambier.Its Progress and Result.R efleet ions.

of it was thrown. Perhaps the consideration above alluded to, may be taVen as a sufficient reason for their indifference on both sides. The rupture with the four first of these powers, was not indeed passed over without discussion or animadversion in the British public, or in the British senate. The circumstance at. tending particularly the commence, ment of the war with Turkey, necessarily occasioned long and ani. mated debates. Still, however, it is true, that the excitement of the national sensibility, was chiefly re. served for the Danish war: a circumstance highly creditable to the national feelings and character, as it must be recollected, that Denmark was, with one exception, the weakest of our new adversaries, and that it was from hostilities against her only, that Great Britain derived those advantages by which she sue. ceeded in counteracting the designs of the more powerful of them. A nation thus scrupulous as to its own means of action, and which employs so large a portion of its political capacity in scrutinizing those acts by which it is itself most benefited, may lay claim with some degree of confidence to its share of political and moral justice. Few instances, indeed, have occurred, in which the

motives motives, the wisdom, and the efficacy of the executive government, have been more nicely analysed, whore a more animated attempt, supported by more splendid abilities, has been made to discredit them all, or where (lie amiable feelings of a generous people, together with the strongest operations of party spirit, have been more powerfully employed for that purpose.

The war with Denmark, and the military and nava.1 measures by which it was commenced, offering the lirst grand feature of active aud successful warfare that occurred in this year, as well as the first specimen of the politics of the new administration, it is now our duty to present this subject to our readers in one connected view; in order to which, we must take a short retrospect of preceding events. VVe shall then narrate the progress of the war, and we shall also, in this place *, briefly state the discussions to which it gave rise, in the public and in parliament; concluding with such observations connected with it, as may be expected from the impartial historian.

In the coiiive of the negotiations which, from the unfortunate peace of Prcsburg, and the still more lamentable policy of the Prussian cabinet, terminated in the conclusion of the treaties of Vienna and Paris between Prussia and France, repeated intimations were given by (iuouapaite, when he found that the tide of fortune continued to run in his favour, that one of the first and principal uses lie should make of his success^ would be, to cut off those channels of communication which

Great Britain still preserved with the continent. As the concurrence, and even the co-operation of Prussia was necessary for this purpose, to her were these intimations first addressed. By a most unaecountable infatuation, and inveig ed by motives which it were charity not to characterize, she was not long in acceding to those fatal measures, which, ere many months elapsed, proved the cause of her own down, fall. She took forcible possession of the king's German dominion;, and excluded the British flag from her own ports, and from others to which her power or influence extended.

Previously however to the court of Berlin proceeding to this extremity, it was not consistent with Buona. parte'* policy that his intentions on the subject should remain secret. It was, on the^ contrary, very generally rumoured, and as generally credited by the best-informed persons in the north of Europe, that the French ruler would proceed to the immediate execution of this longthreatened measure. He was, at the time, sure of Prussia: Denmark offered yet a feeble obstacle to his wishes; it was to overawe her that he next turned his attention. To engage her by fair or foul means to shut the ports of her German provinces, and to attempt to obstruct the commerce of England in its passage through the Sound, was the next step in his restless career. This was announced in no unintelligible terms, by the many official and unofficial agents, which his active diplomancy employed jn every court of Europe: the public newspapers were sometimes made the expounders of his will upon these ti pics.

* A more copious statement of the-e, will of course be given in our account of {miiiuuientnry busiucss and debates in liiOU.


The court of Denmark could nut be the last informed of what was passing; her uwn intert-sts, and the desire of Buonaparte, that she should at once learn his determination, and the success he had met with in binding Prussia to it, speedily put her in possession of what she was to ex ect. She took the alarm. In hopes, perhaps, of obtaining some cjn«olatofy information, or in the stili mare delusive expectation of deriving sonic assistance by which to aver' the impending storm, count BtrnstorfF. the Danish minister for foreign affairs, undertook a journey to Berlin. That court, divided as it hid been, for some months, be. tween the honest but feeble endeavours of one minister, and the infamous intrigues of another, to regulate its concerns according to their respective views, had not yet thrown itself into the gul) h from which it was never to arise. Its final and official consent to Buonaparte's proposal bad not been given. He indeed knew what he had to depend upon; but the well-intentioned part of the Prussian ministry was still in hopes of preserving their own and their country's honour. To these men, count Rernstortf directed liis attention—on them his hopes rested; and as they did not despair of maintaining their own independence, they allowed hrm to believe that they would assist in the support of that of Denmark. He accordingly did not hesitate to assert, that" Denmark would resist any attempt upon her independence, from whatever quarter it came. At that time, possibly, he believed it, and the events of the

summer of 1806, rather tended to confirm him in this belief. The battle of Jena, however, and its immediate consequences, dissipated the delusion. Then Buonaparte became the absolute disposer of all the north and north-east of Germany: he placed garrisous in the I lans towns; he violated the neutrality of the Danish territory, and assumed, for the winter, a position so bordering upon it, held himself, and by his agents, such language, and authorized acts of such magnitude, that there could no longer remain, in the mind of any unprejudiced man, a doubt as to his future intentions. Th« first of these portentous acts was issued, as soon as the suspension of military operations allowed of a moment's repose. It was his decree of the 21st of November, declaring the British isles to be in a state of blockade, and rendering the circumstance of this pretended blockade being violated by any neutral vessel, a ground of legal capture against such vessel. The nature and extent of this decree have been developed in another part of this work; it is sufficient, therefore, to state here, that without individualizing am/, it was a virtual declaration of hostility airiinst every neutral power that was in habits of commercial intercourse with Great Britain. If his means of giving full effect to this decree did not equal the injustice on which it was founded, no inference could thence be drawn in favour of its admissibility. It might be fortunate for neutral nations, that these means were not commensurate to the disposition thus shewn of abusing them; but the intention, although in some instances harmless for want of the power of realizing it, did not the le*s indicate a hostile


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