arms war. go been a reverse." A reverse I have al- I wounded officers behind him, because he ways understood to mean, a check after a feared that the militia might collect, and series of victories. Whether this be the cut off his retreat to the ships. Incursions character of the "occurrence" in question like this are not much thought of in the I must leave for abler judges to decide. world, when men are talking of the proBut I am quite rejoiced to hear, that you bable result of a war. It is true, that the entertain such "confident expectations" of character of our movements in the Chesaseeing the "ascendancy" of his Majesty's peake "has produced on the minds of the "secured" in Canada; because I inhabitants a deep and sensible impression." felt, with many others, some fear upon this But if I am to judge from the Message of score, when I found, that an army of four- Mr. Madison, that impression is one of the teen or fifteen thousand men, under the most resolute hostility towards England; Commander-in-Chief in person, had re- and, from every thing that I hear from treated, in haste, and with great loss, from that country, I am convinced, that a disbefore a fortress, containing five or six position to yield to us, in any one point, thousand Americans. The Republican was never so far from the breasts of the Commander asserts, that he captured a Republicans as since our operations in the considerable part of our army, having, by Chesapeake. However, we shall not now his militia and volunteers, pursued it a be many days before we KNOW for a cerconsiderable distance on its retreat. Un-tainty what the American people say, and less this account be false, there appears to what they think upon the subject of the into Com. For the Congress will me still to be some little room for fear, that the ascendancy of his Majesty's arms, inmittees on the matters mentioned in the that quarter, will not be maintained. You President's Message. Those Committees say, as the newspapers tell us, that you will make Reports, expressive of their build your confident expectations on the opinions. These Reports will be discussed amount as well as the description of the in the Senate and the House of Represenforce now serving in Canada. But this tatives. When agreed to they will be pubforce is exactly the same that appeared be- lished. When published they will express fore the fort at Plattsburg. It is not the sentiments of the unbought, unsold changed since that time; nor has there Representatives of a whole people, those been any change in the force of the enemy. Representatives being chosen by the free So that, to me, it does not, I must convoices of all the men in the country, who fess, appear at all likely, that the prospect pay taxes to the amount of only a penny in Canada should brighten before another a year. There can be no room for doubt No one can pretend to campaign has made some very material in such a case. change in our favour. It is said, that Sir say, that the Congress does not speak the George Prevost is recalled. If that could voice of the people. It must speak the give us an advantage over the Yankees ; people's voice. It is elected for a very if that could defeat their triumphant fleets, short space of time. The people have the the measure would be of great value. power to turn out any Member in a few months after he displeases them. All the people read. They all look narrowly to the conduct of those whom they have sent to the Congress. And, therefore, whatever the Congress says, we may be well assured the people themselves say. I dwell with more earnestness upon this point, because our venal prints have long been labouring to persuade us, that the American people are opposed to their Government, and because you are reported to have against us talked of the war begun by "the Government" of America. The Government, in that country, does not mean any man, or set of men, who rule over a people, who command a people, ta whom the people cure allegiance. The people of America acknowledge the exist The newspapers state, that you spoke of "the brilliant and successful operations "in the Chesapeake and at the City of "Washington." Having lately had the misfortune to see a couple of my barns on fire, I can the better conceive the brilliancy of the scene at Washington. But, Sir, while this scene was exhibited there, unfortunately the Republicans were sallying from Fort Erie on the army of General Drummond, and the fatal battle was preparing on Lake Champlain. What are the operations in the Chesapeake, when we look towards Canada ? If, indeed, we had been able to REMAIN at Washington, the case would have been different. So far from that, our Commander stated, that be hastened away, leaving several of his in ence 66 of no such a power, of no such a thing. our energy, with an undiminished dispoThey look upon the Government as consist-"sition towards peace and friendship on ing of their agents; persons appointed and “honourable terms, must carry with it the pail by them for conducting their public" good wishes of the impartial world, and affairs. They look upon these persons as "the best hopes of support from an omnino more than their fellow citizens. The" potent and kind Providence."-Now, must learned and most wise of their fellow Sir, what I could have wished to see was, citizens, to be sure, but, still, their fellow a contradiction of this assertion with recitizens. The persons so employed have gard to these thousand vessels and these, not the power to do that which the people thousands of impressed American citizens.. disapprove of; nor can they have the in- You may be well assured, that this Mes-. clination, seeing that they have no inte- sage will be read with deep and general inrest to do that which the people dislike. terest on the Continent of Europe. This There is none of them who can have any Message and your Speech are before the private interest in war; none of them can world. Not before this nation only, but gain by war. It is impossible to fatten before all the nations in the world. Every their families by the means of a public ex- ma. will form his own judgment upon them. penditure; and, as to patronage, they know It is not reasonable to suppose that Mr. of no such thing, nor could they derive any Madison's assertion will be disbelieved, unadvantage from it, if they had it. There- less it be proved to be false. It may do fore, whatever the Congress says, you may here for our public prints to call him, as be sure the people say, in spite of all the they do, "liar, fool, traitor, usurper, malicious and silly assertions of our public coward," and the like. This may satisfy prints, whose efforts are continually direct- those who inhabit the country through ed to mislead the people of this country, which runs the Serpentine River; but it whose want of information renders them will have no weight, or, at least, no weight the easy dupes of these designing knaves, against Mr. Madison, in other countries. having a corrupt press in their hands. His assertion, therefore, relative to the It is stated, in the newspapers, that you, thousand vessels and the thousands of imin your Speech, said that this war originated pressed sea-faring citizens I could, wist. in the "MOST UNPROVOKED AG- very much to see contradicted and disGRESSION on the part of the Govern- proved in some official and authentic way; ment of the United States." It is to be la- for, until that be done, I am afraid, that' mented, that you did not take this opportu- we may lay our account with his being benity of contradicting, in a pointed manner, lieved by a great majority of the world. the assertion contained in Mr. Madison's And, if he be believed; if the world do belate Message; because he, most explicitly lieve, that we really did capture a thousand asserts, that we were the aggressors. He Republican vessels; that we really did imsays:"Having forborne to declare press thousands of sea-faring citizens bewar until to other aggressions had been fore the Congress declared war, I am afraid "added the capture of nearly one thou- that it must be doubted whether the de"sand American vessels, and the in-claration of war was wholly an unprovoked "pressment of thousands of sea-furing ci-aggression on the part of America. I am "tizens, and until a final declaration had aware, that there will be no doubt upon the "been made by the Government of Great subject in this country, which never was. "Britain, that her hostile orders against engaged in any war so popular as this. I our commerce would not be revoked, believe, that, if the whole nation, paupers "but on conditions as impossible as un- and all, were put to the vote, that there. "just, whilst it was known that these would appear for the war nine hundred "orders would not otherwise cease but and ninety-nine out of every thousand. "with a war, which had lasted nearly The press worked up the people to the war, twenty years, and which, according to pitch, where it keeps them. There are appearance at that time, might last as prevalent these notions:-1st, that the Re-" many more-having manifested on every public joined Napoleon in the war against* "occasion and in every proper mode, aus; 2d, that we are now able to punish her "sincere desire to meet the enemy on the "ground of justice, our resolution to de"fend our beloved country, and to oppose "to the enemy's persevering hostility all 86 66 86 66 for this; 3d, that she went to war for the purpose of robbing us of maritime rights essential to our very existence; 4th, that she may new, now, now! be crippled for The war, said, that "our successes against her had been UNVARIED." The First Lord of the Admiralty stated, that he had not received the official account of the affair of Lake Champlain, which, besides, appeared, from the language of the two Houses, to be considered as but a trifling sort of a thing, unworthy of any very particular notice. The speech of Mr. Whitbread was long, and, therefore, cannot be inserted here; but that of Sir Gilbert Heathcote shall have a place in this letter; and, as you cannot suspect him of any disloyal motive, I hope you will give his words a patient attention. were ever; 5th, that we ought, at least, to con- | Minister was, that they had been remiss tinue the war, 'till we have effaced, by vic- in their measures against her; though, on tories over the Republican ships, the recol- the other hand, it is reported of one lection of the affairs of the Java, the Guer-member who moved the Address, that he riere, the Macedonia, the Avon, and of those on the Lakes. Then the events in the Chesapeake, and the description of them, have caused the nation to look upon the Republicans as cowards. This is very inconsistent with the before-mentioned notion; but it prevails. So, that, here are all sorts of ingredients necessary to make a war popular, and popular it is beyond every thing that ever was popular. It is quite useless for any one to attempt to remove any of these notions, which have taken fast hold, and which it will require some years of war to shake. Jonathan, therefore, has no ground for reliance on any opposition in this country. The opposition in "Sir GILBERT HEATHCOTE rose and Parliament will only be as to the mode of "observed, that it would have been most prosecuting the war. If they censure, the "satisfactory to have heard from Minisburden of their censure will be, not against "ters that the negociations at Gheut we the war, but against those who have not" going on favourably. That he could not done enough against the enemy. approve of that part of the Address therefore, has popularity to recommend it."which promised further support in the This I allow, and, in so doing, I have the " American war, inasmuch as the cause of mortification to confess, that all my labours "the dispute had ceased since the general against the war have proved wholly useless. pacification on the Continent. When we Still I think myself bound to endeavour, as "withdrew our Orders in Council the occasion may offer, to give my reason "Americans had rescinded their Retaliaagainst its further continuance. "tive Acts; so that the right of searching I was happy to see, in the newspaper "American ships for British seamen alone, report of your Speech, that you have " "remained as a subject of controversy. sincere desire to bring this war to a con- "When Leace was established throughout clusion on just and honourable terms;" "Europe we could not think of exercising aud as Mr. Madison expresses the same "that right; so that this last point of condesire, let me hope, that the conclusion of "tention fell to the ground naturally. the war may soon take place, without wait-"The war must, therefore, be carried on ing til more sea battles have effaced the "for other reasons, for the sake of what recollection of those which have already might happen, and not for any present taken place. But, Sir, what a pity it is "grievance. He thought the situation of that the war did not end with the war in "the country did not warrant Ministers in Europe. What a pity it is that Mr. "doing this. Were our finances so flourishMadison has to complain of delays on our to give effect to our own proposition part for a direct negociation, after we had refused the offer of the mediation of our own ally the Emperor of Russia! And what a pity it is, that the American people have, in our public prints, seen so much abuse of their Chief Magistrate, and so many threats to reconquer their country! a 66 66 ing, the property tax a burthen so light and easy, that it mattered not what "might be the amount of the annual "national expenditure. There might be some pretext for Ministers to keep on some of the late war taxes, after the country was placed on a peace establishment, provided there was an excess of expenditure, to make up any deficiency Since writing the above, the debates on "in balancing the accounts; but no preyour Speech have reached me. With the "text whatever for retaining such imposts exception of Mr. Whitbread and Sir Gil- "for the prosecution of a war which apbert Heathcote, all agreed, that America" peared unnecessary. It appeared to him was the aggressor in the war; and, as was spicipated, the only fault imputed to the "that we feared the rising power of Ame "rica, and wished to curtail it. This 66 66 66 "flower of our army was sent, and com There will be no medium after another was an important feature in this war, for" would march across that continent. The "if persevered in we must be prepared to completely subjugate our enemy, or we "should be in a worse state than we now 66 were. We had tried to subdue America" "thirty years ago, and had failed, when "she was nothing like so powerful as at 6. present. We should recollect how we "left France situated, whilst we were en"gaged in this contest; she was at pro"found peace, recovering from her wounds, and if the war was protracted, or unprosperous, she might join America or attack "us herself. A strange policy seemed to "be pursued, whilst we were waging war "in America to prevent her becoming a "powerful naval State, close at home, in "Flanders, we were creating one. Let "us recali to mind the history of the reign "of Charles the Second, or, in latter times, "the politics of the Dutch Cabinet, pre-decline of the naval power of England. "vious to the engagement off the Dogger "Bank in 1781, and the march of the "Prussian Army under the late Duke of "Brunswick into Holland in 1787. Would any one, having a knowledge of these "transactions, believe that our Ministers "would, in all times to come, be able so to manage the Dutch Cabinet, so to eradi"cate all French influence there, as that power we are now creating may not, at "no very distant time, become highly dan"gerous to the naval supremacy of this 66 country. With respect to the conduct "of the war, he did not wish now to enter "into it, he was against the war alto"gether. In these contests we must expect the alternate vicissitudes of fortune. "He had always understood that Sir George Prevost was both a brave and "intelligent man, and, no doubt, he had "good reasons for what he had done. "That in a country like America, after "having lost the naval support, on which “depended the provisioning the army, and "conveyance of military stores, with the "remembrance of Sarratoga and York "Town, he must have been a bold man "indeed who would have placed himself, "by advancing into the country, in a si "tuation to be surrounded. What has "been said in the public prints of the mortification felt by the troops which had "been sent from Spain, he believed, if more "confidence was placed in their exertions "than on those of the rest of the army, we "should be disappointed. In the outset of "the last American war, it was boasted "here, that a battalion of British troops 66 66 Mr. Whitbread asked if there was now any new ground of the war. Any new object. Nobody avowed that there was. But I fear the Americans will bear in mind, that the moment Napoleon was subdued, and our alarms in Europe were at an end, our public prints, the most patronised, openly proclaimed to the nation, that the object now ought to be to subdue the American Republic, and to bring her back to the parent State. And, which is never to be forgotten, the whole of the London prints, in giving what they call a Report of the Debates in Parliament, published a report of a speech, which they gave as Sir Joseph Yorke's, who was one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and in which reported speech it was stated, that, though Napoleon was deposed, we must not yet lay aside our Navy, seeing that we had another person to depose, namely Mr. Madison. Far be it from me to assert, that Sir Joseph Yorke really did utter this speech; but it is very certain, that it was published as his speech in all the London newspapers; that it was so received all over the kingdom, and that its sentiments met with universal approbation. The language of the principal London prints has been, from that day to this, in perfect harmony with the tenor of this speech; and when the news of the barning of the buildings of the City of the next campaign. A million of free men in arms will be ready to receive whoever shall march against them. The debates in our Parliament, the language of our newspapers, which JONATHAN knows so well how to estimate, will urge him on to measures of preparation. He is expeditious in these matters beyond all nations upon earth. The battle will be a battle fit to engage the attention of the world. I have often been rebuked for endeavouring to draw the public attention to American aflairs. I have never been able to persuade any body, that America was of any consequence. She has now become of consequence; and, if the war go on, as I fear it will, she will soon be of most fearful importance in the view of every nation in Europe. Washington arrived, it was the common notion, that a Vice-Roy was about to be sent thither to represent, and govern in the name of your Royal Father. Nay, I verily believe, that, if the war ceases without our reconquering the Americans, as the chances are that it may, the people of England will be utterly astonished and confounded! So that JONATHAN must stand clear; for we are now safely launched against him. It is, in my opinion, idle to expect peace with America in a less space than six or seven years; for, I am morally certain, that JONATHAN will not give in. Ife, as Lord Melville very justly observed, is at home; he has all his men and tools upon the spot; he has been red to the rifle from his cradle; he has a cheap Government, or, rather, he loves to govern himself; and, though he may not Perhaps you do not know, that the prealways feel bold, he will, first and last, sent jujuries, which we are able to inflict give us a good long tough battle. JONA- on America, are the greatest of blessings in THAN, Sir, is not subject to fits and starts the eyes of some of her statesmen. They in his politics and notions of Government. have always wished for something that We found no rabble at the City of Wash- would separate her as widely as possible ington to cry" vivent nos genereux alliés," " from Great Britain. Whether wisely or as did the canneille at Paris. Men must not is another matter. They have always submit to a musket or a bayonet at their wished it; and, if they can see this ac breasts; but we shall, I am of opinion, not complished by the destruction of twenty or find submission go much further before us thirty towns on the coast, they will think in America. the acquisition wonderfully cheap. Mr. WHITBREAD is deceived in supposing, that it is the mere burning of the buildings of Washington, which has united, as he calls it, all parties in America. There never was any party our friend in opposition to their own Government. All parties cried out against our coaduct. All parties cried out against what Mr. Madison complains of now. And, as to a sepa ration of the States for our sake, no one but a down-right fool ever thought of such a thing. It was always a false potion. There never was any ground for it; and experience will shew us, that, in this respect, this nation has been listening to knaves, who were seeking their own interests in arging us on to the war. I am well aware, that we shall do JONATHAN an infinite deal of present mischif. And he seems aware of it too. Mr. Madison takes great pains to give his constituents a strong sense of the violent hostility they have to encounter. They are now, even at this moment, getting ready their powder and ball, their rifles and their swords, their haversacks and accoutrements. There will not be a man unarmed, or unprepared for battle, before the opening of "When to marry or to fight," as some are," both parties are equally eager; they soon get together." Both parties are in carnest and eager in this case; and they will soon reach ene another, though the distance. between them is so great. The battle will be a famous one. A great kingdom, the mistress of the sea and dictatress of Europe, on the one side; and the last of Republics on the other. Not only the question of maritime rights is now to be decided; but the question of the nature of Governments. The world is now going to see, whether a Republic, without a standing army, with half a dozen frigates, and with a Chief Magistrate with a salary of about five thousand pounds a year, be able to contend, single-handed, against a kingdom with a thousand ships of war, an army of two hundred ́ ́men, and with a Royal Family, whose civil list amounts to more than a million pounds a year. Nothing was ever so interesting as this spectacle. May the end be favourable to the honour and happiness of this country and mankind in general! I am, &c. &c. WM. COBBETT |