are now proved to us; these are the natu- States now see what they have to expect at ral consequences of battles, such as that of our hands; and, indeed, they did not want Chipawa.It has been stated in the to see their towns destroyed, in order to be newspapers, that Admiral Cochrane has convinced that their safety lay in their firm taken BALTIMORE, the capital of obedience to the Union, and in the resolu Maryland; that Stonington has been de- tion to stand by their own Government,-molished; that we are about to attack It is, I suppose, intended to better them New London; and, therefore, says the into a separation; but, who is fool enough writer, Jonathan must look sharp about to believe, that such a mode will succeed him.-Baltimore is hardly taken, and will, with such a people? The demolition of I dare say, never be taken, without a most Stonington will, in all probability, render bloody contest. But, supposing it to be the name of England so hateful in our faso; for our ships of great size can go quite vourite States, that no man will dare to up to the city, unless prevented by batte- raise his breath in defence of her conduct, ries on shore. Suppose the fact to be-If we had confined our land war to Catrue, how are we to maintain that position? nada, it is possible, that Mr. Madison And, if we could maintain it for a year, might have found it very difficult to make how much nearer are we to our object? the people see how they were interested in Baltimore is exposed to our attacks from the contest; but, the moment we shewed its vicinity to the sea, and from the immense our design of carrying fire and sword along river that opens the way to us to reach it. the whole coast of the United States, that But what is that place, or even all the moment we bound the whole of the people State of Maryland, when we are talking up like the bundle of sticks, described in of this great Republic, inhabited by free the fable; especially as the manifestation men, resolved to defend their country? of this design was accompanied, on the From the first, it was allowed by me, that part of almost the whole of our public we should do immense mischief; that we prints, with the open declaration, that it might burn many villages, towns, and was necessary, now that we had the oppor cities, destroy mills and manufactories, and tunity to subjugate America, to counterJay waste lands upon the coast, to the great revolutionize her, to destroy her Governloss and distress of numerous individuals.ment, to reduce her to her former state of But, at the same time, I anticipated, that dependence on us. It is of great importhese acts would only tend to unite the tance, that we bear in mind, not only these Americans, and, in the end, produce such declarations, but also the time, when they a hatred against us, as would not only began to be made.-While the duration of render final success impossible, but, as the power of Napoleon was not doubted; would tend to shut us out from all future as long as there appeared to be no prospect connection and intercourse with that great of seeing him put down, a sort of ambiguous and fertile region.-There seemed to be language was held as to the object of the wanting just such a war as this to complete war with America. Mr. Madison was acthe separation of England from America;cused with being a friend to Napoleon; he and to make the latter feel, that she had no and his countrymen were abused; but safety against the former, but in the arms nothing was distinctly said as to the object of her free citizens.-We were told, as the of the war. As the affairs of Napoleon reader will recollect, that the Eastern grew gloomy, our prints, from time to time, States would, in case of war, separate grew high in their language as to the obthemselves from the rest of the Union, and ject of the American contest; and, when join themselves to us. But, it now ap- Napoleon was actually put down, they pears that our first grand stroke of des- threw off all reserve, and, in the most distraction has been given in these our fa- tinct terms, with an air of official authority, vourite States. Stonington, we are told, they informed us, that we were not to lay is demolished; and New London is, we are down our arms, 'till we had effected, in told, about to share the same fate. These America, what had been effected in France. places lie in our favourite State of Connec- The Government, we were told, was to be ticut, in the midst of the Eastern States, done away. Mr. Madison was to be dewho were to join us against their own Re-posed, as Napoleon had been. Our army, publican Government! This fact is, of itself, quite enough to overset all the stories about station of these States.-These

then in France, were to do in America what they had just done in France. That is to say, they were "to deliver the Ame

"ricans from an oppressive usurpation, | ings by what I know to be their character,

I should suppose, that it must have filled them with indignation, if, indeed; that feeling did not give way to that of contempt. They must, however, have seen the abso

less they were disposed to become again dependant upon England; unless, in short, they were disposed to become again Royal Provinces, governed by the sons of the nobility of England.The time, chosen by our prints for the making of those undisguised declarations, was very suspicious. It was the moment when France, Spain, and Holland were put into a state, which rendered it impossible for them to assist America. It was the moment when we were freed from all enemies; when all the maritime force of Europe was in our hands. It was, in short, the first seemingly fair opportunity for subjugating America that had been offered us since the conclusion of the American war; and this opportunity the language of these prints must have led the Americans to helieve was about to be taken for the purpose of executing the project. In the year 1794, or 5, a Mr. Rutledge, who was a judge in South Carelina, made a speech, in which babesought his country to join itself with the Republic of

and restore them to their former happy "connection with a paternal Government." These declarations were, at the period I allude, daily made in the Times and the Courier. Nay, it is only a few days ago,lute necessity of union and of exertion, unthat the Times newspaper, in expressing its regret, that the Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands had sent an Ambassador to America, observed, that, if he had stopped for a few months, he might have been spared the disgrace of sending an Ambassador to such people as James Madison and his party. Let it further be borne in mird, that, soon after the deposing of Napoleon, there having been a debate, in the House of Commons, relative to the reduction of the navy, there was published in the newspapers of the next day, a paragraph, purporting to be the report of a speech of Sir Joseph Yorke, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, in which paragraph it was stated, that, though Napoleon was deposed, we could not yet disarm to any great extent, seeing that there was Mr. Midison yet to depose-The newspapers have, ever since, held the same language. They have, since the deposition of Napoleon, wholly left out of sight the original ground of the war. Nay, they pretend to have no ground at all. But insist, that, as we now have the oppor-France in a mortal war against England. turity; as we have a fleet afloat, and a disciplined army that we know not what to do with, we ought, while the occasion offers, to re-emquer America, or, at least, to despoil her in such a way, that she shall never again be able to shew her pose upon the sea. They have published a list of the American Niry; and have observed upon it, that, if America be not now cut up; if she be not now, while France, Spain, and Holland are unable to assist her; if she be not now crippled past recovery; if she be how suffered to have peace; if, in short, she be not now destroyed, it is fearful to think of the degree of Naval power, at which she may arrive in the course of ten or a dozen years of uninterrupted prosperity, having bad a proof of what her seamen are capable of performing.That I have here not overcharged, not, in the smallest degree, misrepresented the language of these prints, every reader will allow; and, indeed, I must confess, they spoke, very nearly, the language of the whole nation. How the people of America, from whom nothing can be kept secret, have received this language, I know 'not; but, if I were to judge of their feel

"She will," said he, never forgive us "for our saccess against her, and for our

having established a free Constitution. "Let us, therefore, while she is down, "seize her by the throat, strangle her, de"liver the world of her tyranny, and thus "confer on mankind the greatest of bless

66

ings." As nearly as I can recollect them, these were his very words. I am sure that I have the ideas correct. I and many more cried aloud against the barbarity of such sentiments. They were condemned in speeches and pamphlets innumer able.. -But,,have we not reason to fear, that the present language of our newspapers may make the Americans think that Mr. Rutledge was in the right; and mak● them regret,, that they did not join the Republic of France in the war? If they had taken that step, in the year 1795, the Republic of France might still have been in existence, and the situation of all Europe very different indeed from what it now is. The English party, the love of peace, and the profits of peace, were too powerful in the United States, for those who thought with Mr. Rutledge. Much was said about principles; but, it was the

every man of enterprise, will have all the world, England excepted, for her friends. No nation will envy or hate her but England; because, to every other nation, the increase of her population, her produce, her commerce, and her naval power must be advantageous. She may, and she, doubtless, will, suffer much in this war. Many of her towns will be knocked down; thousands

love of the profits of peace which prevail-
ed over every other consideration.The
Americans have now seen enough to con-
vince them, that it would have been their
soundest policy to have taken one side or
the other, long ago.-What they wished
for was, peace and commerce with all the
world; but they have now found, that, to
enjoy some peace, they must be prepared to
have some war; and that to enjoy inde-of her people will be greatly injured. But
pendence and freedom, they must make
themselves respected in arms.--- -If the
war should end without our doing some-
thing, approaching very nearly to the sub-
jugation of America, it will prove a most
calamitous war to us. Because it will
have added immensely to our debt; it will
have left us horribly exhausted; it will
have given France a time of peace and
economy wherein to recover her wonted
means of meeting us by land or by sea; it
will have made the Americans both a
military and a naval nation; it will have
given to these two nations the most power-
ful motives to a close connection, dictated
by their mutual wants and safety; it will
have rendered America not only complete-
ly independent of us as to manufactures,
but will have implanted in the bosoms of
her people a hatred against us never to be
removed or mollified.If, indeed, we
were to subjugate America, to make the
States again our colonies; or were, at
least, to destroy all her ships of war; raze
all her fortifications; stipulate with her
never again to make a cannon, a ball, or a
pound of powder; to place in our hands, as
guarantees, all her principal sea-ports and
all the mouths of her rivers; and to abstain
from every sort of manufacture in the
If we were to accomplish either
of these, we might have little to apprehend
as the consequence of a five or six years
war against America. But, if we accom-
plish neither, how wil the case stand?
Why, thus: she will, single handed, have
carried on a war against us. She will
have, through the world, the reputation of
having been able, alone, to beat England;
for, to defend herself against us is, in such
a case, to beat us. Other nations, sore at
the sight of our predominance on the sea,
will look up to America as to a balance
against us. They will naturally seek a
connection with a country, offering innu-
merable sources of beneficial intercourse.
She, whose products are so abundant, and
so much in request all over the world, and
who holds out such great advantages to

if she keep on launching ships of war, as
she is doing at present, she may have a
score of ships of the line and forty frigates,
at the end of a six years war, manned with
such officers and sailors as those whom we
have already seen afloat, and to whom we
have had the inexpressible mortification to
see so many English ships strike their
flags, after contests the most desperate and
bloody. If this were to be the effect of
this war of drubbing, how should we have
to curse those malicious writers, who, for
so many months, have been labouring to
cause this nation to believe, that it will
only be a holiday-undertaking to drub, to
humble, and to subdue the American na-
tion !I am aware, that there is a de-
scription of men in this country, who say,
that, even with all these possible, and even
probable, evils before us, we ought to have
undertaken, and ought now to proceed
with, the war. Because,' say these men,
even if these evils should come with the
war, they would all, or, at least, the worst
of them, come without it. Not to have
undertaken the war, or to put a stop to
it now, would have been, and would now
be, to leave the Americans in possession
of the naval reputation they have ac-
quired, in possession of all the means
of augmenting their naval force, and,
what is of still more consequence, in the
enjoyment of real freedom, and of happi-
ness unparalleled, under a Republican
'Government, at once an example and an
asylum to all the disloyal of every coun-
try in Europe. Leaving her thus, she
must, in the present state of men's minds,
prove the destruction of all kingly Go-
vernment, and of every hierarchy in the
'world. Therefore, even failure in the
war is no objection to persevering in it,
seeing that the worst that can arise out
of the war, must arise out of suffering
this Republic to enjoy peace, especially
with the reputation that she has acquired
on that element, the absolute dominion of
'which we have so long claimed. When
there is, at least, a possibility of destroy-

the motives influencing him attentively considered, it appeared to me, at the time, that he acted a prudent part; such a part as fully justified the step he had taken, and cleared him from all censure. The reason he assigned for agreeing to this new alli

ing this Republic by war, and no possibility of avoiding destruction from her without war, reason says, go on with the 'war!I know that there are many that argue thus, because I have heard them argue thus. And, I must confess, that, if I could bring myself to their feel-ance was, that he was obliged to adopt ings as to the consequences which they that measure ; that he was threatened with dread, I should be bound to say, that their dethronement if he continued any longer arguments were unanswerable. As the in alliance with the Emperor of the French. matter stands, I could, I think, give a sa- This, at least, cleared him of all suspicion tisfactory answer; but, as every one likes of having volunteered in the cause of the to have something left to be supplied by Allies. Murat, however, had not only himself, I leave the reader to give to these acquired the art of war, and learned to be arguments such an answer, as, after some a politician; he had been taught the sciminutes of sober reflection, his mind may ence of Government; and, as it now apsuggest. Before I conclude, however, pears, was fully occupied, at the time of I must repeat what I have before said, as Napoleon's reverses, with plans of imto the dilemma in which we are placed. proving the state of the country which he It is very certain, that America, at peace, governed, of abolishing the ancient tyranny, in the enjoyment of such perfect freedom and of giving good laws to his subjects. and such great superiority, under a Re-He was evidently aware, therefore, if he publican Government, the very head of rejected the flattering offers that were which does not receive above five thou-made him to join the coalition, that there sand pounds a year, and having no established church, and no use for the hangman; it is certain, that America, presenting this picture to the world, might, and would keep alive the spirit of Jacobinism in Europe; and that spirit might, in a few years, produce very serious consequences. But, on the other hand, to prevent her from presenting this dangerous picture to the world, we must keep up all our present taxes, and, perhaps, continue to make loans. This is the dilemma; the grand dilemma, in which we are at present placed, and out of which, I must confess, I do not see how we are to get, unless we were, as the Times supposes we shall, to finish this insoleat Republic in the space of a few months."

was a probability of his being deprived of the opportunity of ameliorating the condition of his people, without benefiting the cause of France. Hence bis acquiescence in the proposal to make common cause with the Allies. It was conjectured by some, not without the appearance of probability, that the King of Naples, notwithstanding his joining the enemies of France, was secretly attached to Napoleon. For this I do not see how any one can blame him, if, at the same time, it is acknowledged, that he owed his elevation to the French Emperor. It has been since said, and that only very lately, that Murat was carrying on a treasonable correspondence, through means of his officers, with the Island of Elba. It is easy to account for reports of this nature, when it is seen that NAPLES.I have for some time in- Ferdinand, the deposed King, is publicly tended making a few observations on the avowing his determination not to relinquish wise policy pursued by the present King his claims to the possession of the throne of of Naples, and the great benefits result- his ancestors. There are men, in every ing therefrom to his subjects. It will be country, ready, on all occasions, to court recollected that Murat, who had been one the favour of the great by calumniating of the Emperor Napoleon's best generals, their supposed enemies; and to such men enjoyed a more than ordinary share of his-the unprincipled flatterers of the former confidence, and, as a reward for his merit, was raised to the throne of Naples; was afterwards prevailed upon, by the Allies, to withdraw his support from his former master, and join his troops to those leagued against France. At first sight, this looked like ingratitude. But, when a nearer view was taken of Murat's situation, and

monarch-may easily be traced these base accusations against the present King. Murat, I have no doubt, entertains the highest respect and regard for Napoleon, and may anxiously desire, without committing any crime, to do him a service.-But that he should openly, by sending military officers to the place of his retire

66

ment, seem to invite him again to take the character remains to be illustrated. I field, and to assert his claims to the have already said, that, on ascending the crowns of France and Italy, which he had throne of Naples, he occupied himself with so recently resigned, at the desire of the improving the state of the country, with people, would be to suppose that Murat abolishing the former tyranny, and with had, in a moment, lost all sense of pru-giving good laws to his subjects. The exdence, and adopted a line of policy totally ternal affairs of his kingdom, while the different from at by which he formerly struggle with France existed, must have gained so much credit, and secured for left him little time to attend to its internal himself te quiet possession of the throne management. Still, it appears, that he of Naples. Though these vile traducers possesses a mind, like Napoleon, capable of his fame deserved in my opinion, to of greater exertions than most other sovebe treated with silent contempt, Murat has reigns; and, as there is every reason to thought otherwise, as appears from the fol-believe he seriously wishes to better the loving declaration, published in the Nea-condition of man, we find that, even in politan Moniteu of the 29th ult. the midst of war, he found leisure to carry 4 Ministry of Geneal Police.—It is not into effect many of his beneficial schemes. without surprise, that the Government Only six years have elapsed since Murat "has been informed by letters from Civita- obtained possession of the throne of Naples. "Vecchia and Leghorn, that some indivi-During that short period he has done more duals, calling themselves officers, em-substantial good than all the severeigns of "ployed in the service of his Majesty the Europe put together have done for the last "King of Naples, and decorated with his century. He has awakened a national "Royal Order, have announced them-spirit among the depressed and degraded "selves as Envoys from the Court of Naples Neapolitans Le has created a brave and "to the Isle of Elba. Although nobody well disciplined army; he has given them can be deceived as to the object of this wise, political, and judicial institutions; "miserable stratagem, the undersigned he has conferred on them the means of thinks it necessary to declare, that these acquiring education; and, in every part "jatriguers do not belong to the kingdom of his Government, measures are uniformly "of Naples; that they are unknown to it; pursued, calculated in an eminent degree, "and that they have never been charged to promote the happiness and prosperity el "with any mission to the Isle of Elba. the nation. The weakness and crimes of "All the Local Authorities are requested former kings, who abandoned themselves "to arrest every individual who shail state to indolence and cupidity, while they left "that he is charged with a similar mis-their subjects to be the prey of an inte"sion." This declaration must prove a rested and barbarous clergy, ultimate death blow to all the hopes of the parti- drove them from the throne, and, though zans of Ferdinand. Besides, they must the instrumentality of Napoleon, prepared know, that the present sovereign's title has the way for the elevation of a man, who been recognised by all the powers of Ea-appears fully convinced that his best title to. rope, not even excepting Great Britain, the Crown, and its future stability, conwho, nevertheless, are so inconsistent as tosists in his making the happiness of his refuse acknowledging the titles of the very people the chief object of his, care. The man who, by force of arms, placed Murat political causes which led to this important on a throne. The respect paid to a Gene-alteration in the condition of the people of ral of Napoleon in this case, as well as in Naples, have been very ally discussed in the case of the Crown Prince of Sweden, pamphlet recently published by Ridg who exercise the sovereign authority by no way, entitled, "A Letter by an Englishbetter title than that by which the French man lately on his Travels in Italy; written Emperor reigned, ought surely to have on his return to England in Aug. 1814" procared more attention to the wishes of This pamphlet owes its origin to the prothe latter, when he stipulated-not for the testation of Ferdinand against Murat's possession of a kingdom to which another right of possession, which the author enhad a prior claim, but for the mere acknow-deavours to establish, and, I think, pretty ledgment of an empty title, that could successfully. First, upon the right of conneither enrich him, add to his consequence, quest and cession; secondly, the acknownor jape any of the contracting parties. ledgment of the title by all the sovereign But, the most amiable part of Murat's powers of Europe; and thirdly, the de