But it is next objected, that "we are giving to the Roman Catholics political power" as if they had not a fearful political power already, which it is the tendency of the proposed measures to mitigate and subdue. We are not creating a political power. We find this power existing; we find it matured and consolidated under the exclusion laws; nourished up to a portentous power surrounding us on all sides; Catholic Ireland one vast Association. We opened the spring of this power when we abolished so many penal laws fifty years since; we fed the widening tide when we conferred the elective franchise: since that time the waters have been accumulating; they threaten to burst the dam and overflow in a dangerous and wide-spread inundation. To lessen their momentum, to give them a new and safer direction, and to present a constitutional channel for their gentler flow, is the dictate of wisdom as well as necessity. We take away, rather than give, political power, by conferring, under such circumstances, a small share of the legislative functions. We remove irritating and impotent enactments from a people who have been long possessed of an irregular and uncontroulable force; we throw the leaders of this people into the mass of our statesmen; we subject their pro.. ceedings to the full glare of a nation's jealousy; we sink and merge their influence in the general interests of the state; we plunge them into insignificance by removing all just grounds of complaint; we disperse the collected clouds of ferment and disorder by raising the conductor to carry off innoxious the electrical elements which, if allowed to concentrate, might burst in thunder and desolation over our heads.

Nor is it a just objection to allege that this is "acting upon the dictates of a base expediency.' Mere human expediency in points of morals and religion, where we have Revelation for our guide, the Christian disavows; he has no such word in his vocabulary: his idea of expediency is simply to obey the will of God, wherever it can be ascertained. But expediency, considered as the choice of the best methods of acting under various emergencies, consistently with fundamental principles, is the very soul of legislation. Expediency in this sense dictated the imposition of these laws; and if it dictates now their repeal, it is equally sound, and more easily justified.

I do not presume to claim from your readers an assent to all these remarks. I have given indeed the answers to those objections which strike my own mind; but I ask of others only to follow me so far as that, when the Government of their

would render our policy consistent, and dissever the nation yet more widely from the charge of supporting Popery.

country has proposed a great measure, they would re-consider the whole case calmly, and see whether the political and civil parts of it may not be separated from the religious. If they think they cannot, then I only ask them to allow to others the right they claim for themselves: to allow that we are animated by a sincere and deeply-seated attachment to the Protestant faith, and an undiminished abhorrence of superstition and idolatry, in measures which we are persuaded will go to sap the foundation of a corrupt, and establish all the defences of a pure, Christianity.

But I would hope that many will be disposed to go further, and to think that it is the part of a generous and religious nation to separate things that have become united by a false association. Let us then distinguish between the removal of penal enactments, and the honouring, extending, enriching the Church of Rome. Let us distinguish between unfettering men from restrictive laws, which have given to error a moral force not its own, and an approbation of that error. Let us rather picture to ourselves the probable advance of moral, religious, and social improvement in Ireland, when free scope is given to the operation of true religion. At present, all is disorder and bitterness. The Catholic feels insulted when he is invited to desert the cause of what he considers a persecuted faith. Discord, feuds, divisions, reign in every neighbourhood, and almost every family; and the voice of peace and truth is drowned and lost. Approach your erring brethren in the attitude of kindness. Distrust not your own cause. Repeal the disabling statutes, and you will see peace and amity gradually restored; education and scriptural knowledge diffused; prejudices and passion insensibly abated; inquiry into the foundations of the Protestant religion awakened; adherence to the errors of an ancient faith loosened; the superadditions of human invention dropping off; the tyranny and subtilty of priestcraft detected; the Bible calmly read and studied; Popery in its essential mischiefs tacitly forgotten and abjured; the religion of Thomas à Kempis, of Pascal, of Nicole, of Quesnel, and of Fénelon, revived,--if not that of Jewel and Latimer, Hooker and Hall, Leighton and Beveridge. Then add the temporal benefits which may followcommerce widened; the administration of law purified; property secured; absenteeism lessened; English capitalists mingling with Irish, and pouring their joint stores of wealth and talent into the lap of the country; a resident gentry and nobility bearing the noble functions of protection and charity; the animosity between man and man exchanged for confidence and good-will; and a benignant government dispensing a thousand benefits to a united people.

With this prospect contrast the certain progress of things, if the laws continue as they are. But they cannot continue as they are.-After the expectation now excited, the decisions in the house of parliament so often in their favour, the agitation of the last thirty years raised to the most fearful height, the portentous power of the Catholic Association fresh in our memory, things cannot continue as they are. Every considerate man must, I think, acknowledge that the hopes of the Catholics cannot now, with any shew of justice, be dashed from their lips. The mind is appalled at the frightful consequences which utter despair may produce on six millions of people. Even those who have taken a very different view from myself of the general question, may well pause, and are pausing, now that the existence of the present ministry and government is pledged to this measure; now that the preparatory law for suppressing the Catholic Association has received the Royal assent, and, being allowed to pass by mutual compromise, has made the subsequent parts of the arrangement a matter of common honesty --now that immense majorities in full houses have carried the relief bill through its first and second reading. At this moment, surely, few will be found to offer an obstinate. and irritating-I was nearly saying, a factious opposition. But

I retract that expression. I so well remember my own warmth in former years, that I would rather confine myself now to entreating those conscientious persons, who still conceive themselves called by the voice of duty to resist the pending measures, to act with the mildness and reserve which the present crisis should impose on every loyal subject. If the public voice of the intelligent classes in this country had been intended to be calmly raised against a settlement, under any circumstances, of this question, it would surely have been expressed at the election of the last parliament. It was not so expressed; and it is too late, now that the flood-gates of hope are opened, and the measure is in full progress, to turn round, and, by addresses to the passions and consciences of the less discerning mass of our population, to alarm the public mind, and endanger the peace of the state. FEAR IS THE WORST OF ALL COUNSELLORS. Religious persons will not any longer thus act. I am far from regretting much of the declaration of the popular feeling hitherto on the present great occasion. It has been the national voice raised, so far as the intention went, in honour of God and his truth. It has strengthened that protest against Popery which the bills themselves contain. It has marked the attachment of a Christian people to the pure doctrines of the Gospel. It has sprung, in most instances, from real simplicity and zeal. I think that that zeal has been sometimes misdirected, but I honour it still. I re

cognise in it the national character. A re-action is now taking place in the popular mind. It is characteristic of the strong and sound common-sense of Englishmen, that, though over-excited for a time, they soon return to a calm conclusion. They follow the deliberate voice of the legislature. They separate questions which have become confounded in their minds by exaggerated representations. This is the case now, and the minds of men are beginning to cool. They know that their king, and his present ministers of state, and the two houses of parliament, cannot wilfully have betrayed the Protestant cause. For my own part, I cannot withhold my deliberate sentiments in such a moment of excitement and agitation. Fellow-Christians, THERE IS NO GROUND OF ALARM; the pending measures are so far from constituting a sin against God, that they are a paramount dictate both of piety and wisdom: they will eminently contribute to the honour of the Protestant faith, to the stability of our Protestant institutions, to the safety of our Protestant Epis-copal Church, to the pacification of our irritated fellow-countrymen, and the prevalence of pure Christianity throughout our empire.

I cannot but hope, indeed, that many important blessings may directly spring from the agitation of the question itself, One of these, and that no inconsiderable one, is, that the excitement about Protestantism and Popery may lead us to consider practically the importance of religion for ourselves-that we may turn our zeal from the national to the individual duty; and inquire what is our own state of heart before God, our own knowledge of the foundations of the Protestant religion, our own measure of habitual penitence, faith, and love our own obedience to the Gospel. This would be an incomparable benefit: national excitement exchanged for personal faith and love-the scrutiny about others transferred to ourselves the doubtful agitation of a mixed political and religious question, softened down into the certain inquiry after our own salvation.

Nor will the benefit of increased activity and purity of life and doctrine in our clergy, be of less moment. I have little patience with the argument against the present plans, on the ground of the probable spread of Popery. If it spread, whose will be the fault? If so gross and tyrannical and barefaced a corruption spread, where must be the ministers of religion, where the pastors of the flock, where the bishops, where the patrons of ecclesiastical preferment? If it spread, it will not be the alteration of laws which will produce that evil, but the indifference of the Protestant bodies, the tameness and worldliness of the ministers of religion. But I have no fears. The revival of pure Christianity in our church, perhaps, only

wanted this external impulse to raise it to a higher level, and make it overpass the remaining barriers of prejudice, and misapprehension, and secular fear.

Prayer for our country and government, is a third benefit to which the present state of excitement in the public mind may be directed. A moment of agitation should be, and is, in numerous instances, a moment of intercession at the Throne of Mercy. God is wiser than man. Our probable judgments (and probability, says Bishop Butler, is the guide of life) should be submitted unreservedly to the Supreme Arbiter. I can truly say I have been constantly praying that God would defeat all my particular wishes, if He saw them founded in error; and cause His own will to be accomplished in the overthrow of them. Dangers I see on all handsevents I know to be uncertain to human foresight. Prayer, then, reposes the unknown with God; prayer softens asperities in the prosecution of our respective plans; prayer unites the hearts of the whole church; prayer brings down the permanent blessing of God on nations and individuals.

Once more: I would earnestly hope that the present agitation will lead our senators and nobles to estimate better the immense importance of religion in the safety of states. I believe, if the houses of parliament had been more habitually guided by sound and Christian views of religion; if they had been accustomed to avow on all fit occasions their dependence upon the Providence of God for success; if they had been known to the nation by their attachment to the Protestant faith, not -merely as a national creed, but as the foundation of their own hopes and the motives of their conduct;-I believe, if our legislature had been more a religious legislature; if our right reverend prelates had been allowed to take a more decided part in their own house on moral and religious questions, and had acted on such occasions with boldness and simplicity, we should have escaped much of the present ferment, because the people would have relied on the religious guardians of their constitution in church and state. Our government, I verily believe, is now paying the penalty of their neglect of true religion. It is in such emergencies that distrust, or the contrary, shews itself. Let our senators be more deeply interested for the moral and religious good of the nation; and a confidence will be generated of the last importance in moments like the present.

I mention only further, that the present excitement should lead to active exertions as to those sources of permanent amelioration for Ireland to which these political concessions are merely prefatory. This particular question has been exaggerated beyond all due bounds. It is im portant, indeed, in itself; and under present circumstances, as I cannot but

the

think, essential: but the foundations of national prosperity lie much deeper. The Gospel of God; the faith and obedience of the heart; the profession of Christ's holy name; the conversion of the sinner from the error of his ways; the pious discipline of the domestic circle public worship of Almighty God; the suppression of notorious vice and temptations to vice; the hallowing of the holy Sabbath; the education of children and adults; a temper of love and forbearance, humility and consistency, in our carriage; a sound zeal and enlightened judgment in the ministers of religion; earnest efforts for the conversion of the Jews and Heathen ;-these are the things which exalt a nation; these are the matters which require, and demand, and will repay, our warmest zeal and our most persevering efforts.

But I have been led too far by these animating topics. Allow me to say, in conclusion, that if, after every consideration which I have ventured to suggest, the minds of any are not fully satisfied; yet, if they are almost satisfied, if they see some force in the whole case as I have stated it,-if they only suspect that, in the present position at least of the question, it is best to leave its decision to the wisdom of the legislature-if only a doubt crosses their conscience, I claim the benefit of that doubt. Hesitation is quite enough, in such a momentous crisis, to suspend opposition, if not to secure support. A preponderance ever so slight is enough to dispose to an act of grace so consonant to the character of Christianity, so agreeable to the broadest, and plainest, and last injunctions of its Divine Founder. If the question, indeed, were not in the state it is, it might be a matter of debate with a Christian, whether, upon the whole, it night not be safer to let things alone, and to retain a little longer the penal laws, much as they wound the meekness and benevolence of the Christian spirit; but in the actual position of the question, the slightest doubt should incline a Christian to the side of love, and peace, and conciliation: he may lawfully throw his influence into the scale of mercy; he may contribute his endeavour to place Christianity on its most firm and tenable ground,—not exclusion, but love; not statutes, but arguments; not irritation, but entreaty; not authority, but faith.

I am, Mr. Editor,
Your most obedient, humble servant,

DANIEL WILSON.

Such is our valued friend's exposition of his views and feelings on this momentous topic. The length of his paper has abridged the little space that was left us for any further remarks of our own: we shall therefore only add some concluding observations, in reply chiefly to various inquiries which have been tendered to us

by some of our readers and correspondents.

We are asked." Will this measure, after all, quiet Ireland?" We reply, that we think it will powerfully conduce to that end; but, whether it do so, or not, is not the only question. We believe it to be a measure morally and religiously right; and thinking this, it is but a secondary inquiry to ask, Whether it is politically expedient; though politically expedient it doubtless is.

We are again asked, "Would you allow Popery a triumph ?" Our fixed opinion is, that Popery will have no occasion for triumph; for that the extinction of civil disabilities will be a death-blow to its influence in Ireland. The priests could never, as they have done, blind-fold the people, frighten them from the Protestant schools, and prevent their receiving the Scriptures at our hands, if they had not been able to inflame their passions by the unhallowed political weapons which we had furnished for their use. Our opinions on this subject, as our readers know, are not of recent origin; for whenever we have had occasion to allude to Popery, and to the duty of endeavouring to extirpate it, we have always carefully distinguished between spiritual weapons, and those of man's devising; between the temporal sword, and "the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God." As justly as eloquently does Dr. Chalmers remark, in his late splendid speech at the Edinburgh meeting for petitioning in favour of the pending measures,-"Give the Catholics of Ireland their emancipation; give them a seat in the parliament of their country; give them a free and equal participation in the politics of the realm; give them a place at the right ear of Majesty, and a voice in his councils; and give me the circulation of the Bible; and with this mighty engine I will overthrow the tyranny of Antichrist, and establish the fair and original form of Christianity on its ruins."

Again, we are asked, "Would you fill parliament with Papists? would you give the chief places of trust and favour to them?" Far from it; eligibility is not election; and the minority has neither the right nor the likelihood to assume the power of the majority. The House of Commons has just decided, in the case of Mr. O'Connell, that there is nothing to prevent a Catholic being legally returned to parliament: he is not stopped till he comes within the walls of the house, and Mr. O'Connell maintains not even then. If, then, the Irish Catholics should choose to send us none but persons of their own faith from every part of their island, as would inevitably be the case after the success of the election for Clare, what would be the result? The delegates might indeed he sent back once or twice;

parliament be determined to garrison every hamlet in Ireland, and to renew and extend the murderous scenes of the great rebellion, which it is quite certain neither parliament nor government would for a moment contemplate, the issue is not doubtful. Under the proposed system there will be much less temptation to oppose the Protestant land-owners, by universally electing Catholics.

But are there not better ways of benefitting Ireland? We think there are none of which the removal of the civil disabilities must not form a prominent part. To attempt Protestant Scriptural education on a national scale without this would be futile; and such measures as the introduction of poor laws would be worse than futile; they would be the direst pest that could afflict that country. "Why not," it is asked, "give them bread?"— Very desirable; but where is the bread to be procured to give them? Poor laws will increase consumers, but will not make bread.

But, "ought we to do evil that good may come?" asks one of our correspondents: ought we to yield to worldly expediency, rather than to duty?" inquires another. Clearly not: far from it; and this is one of our strong objections to the present system. Civil exclusion, disabilities, imposing and exacting taxes without corresponding political rights, are evils in themselves: they are a minor species of persecution, and are only justifiable when grounded on dire necessity. But they have been thought expedient, it seems, to protect our civil and religious liberties; to uphold Protestantism; and thus, betrayed by narrow views of expediency, we have done evil that good might come; we have acted, as if "the shields of the earth were not the Lord's, and as if our blessed Redeemer had not said, "My kingdom is not of this world: if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight.' It is with extreme pain we have heard the language uttered, not only by political Protestants, willing to "wade up to their knees in blood," for political objects; but even by some faithful servants and ministers of Christ, who have not scrupled to declare, that they had rather see a regiment of bayonets in every village in Ireland, and to hear of ten thousand massacres, than consent to the present measures. We can only reply, that " we have not so learned Christ. Every species of persecution, every unnecessary infliction of civil disability for professedly religious ends, is a leaf out of the book of Rome. It is miserable "worldly expediency" to defend Protestantism by the help of dragoons, as has hitherto been too much our policy, instead of by weapons of holy and heavenly temper.

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expressed it in a pamphlet just published, "this kingdom will henceforth cease to be the intercessor between God and a guilty world." Now we cannot see that we are uniting ourselves to Popery; far from it: the nation will be no more a popish nation because a Papist may enjoy office, than it is a Wesleyan, a Socinian, an infidel, or a deistical nation, because per sons of these sects may enjoy it. The Bishop of Winchester has most justly laid down the distinction between a political and a religious union. As to the idea of our being the intercessors between God and the rest of his creation, it appears to us an assumption of national arrogance, in accordance neither with reason nor Scripture. It is too much to suppose that the Almighty has committed the destinies of the whole world to a handful of frail feeble men in the British parliament.

But, adds another correspondent, "You state, that a more free course is now likely to be opened, for the promotion of the pure religion of the Gospel; for scriptural education, and Protestant instruction in Ireland; and that you hope that our Education societies, Bible Societies, and Reformation societies, will stand on new and vantage ground: but how is an enemy to be converted into a friend by increasing his power to oppose me? I beg to ask you, in sincerity and simplicity of intention, on what ground you build your statement and your hope?" Our friendly correspondent will, perhaps, accept our present remarks, and those of Mr. Wilson, as our answer to his inquiry. The whole might be summed up in one most important remark of the excellent Bishop of Winchester, in the House of Lords; that "Protestantism has never yet had fair play in Ireland." It has never been allow ed a hearing; passion, prejudice, and popular clamour were leagued against it. When this din ceases, we may hope that its still, small, but convincing voice will be better heard and attended to. Our correspondent apeaks of an Irish Catholic as our 66 enemy: is be surprised that while treated as such he remains so?

Has our

obliging correspondent left out of his account the natural feelings, sympathies, and resentments of the human heart? and when speaking of "power," does he unconsciously confound physical force with moral and religious suasion?

But, "is not the general voice of truly Christian persons against the measure as likely to be injurious to the cause of Protestantism?" We believe that it is not; that is, where circumstances allow the formation of a well-weighed opinion, free from long-cherished prejudices. The tide, we are persuaded, is rapidly turning.

We pass

over for the present, as an invidious topic, the opinions of the various sects of Christians among ourselves; but we may remark, that in our habits of correspondence with Protestants, on the continent of

Europe and in America, and in reading from month to month their religious publications, we have been often struck with their unanimity of opinion that Christianity and Protestantism are greatly injured by our restrictive policy in Ireland. We might quote proofs by the score; but one shall for the present suffice, and which has only just reached us while we are writing. We allude to the following passage from the last Number of the Archives du Christianisme, a French publication, as our readers know, of truly Protestant and Evangelical sentiments. The conductors are referring to the measures now in contemplation in this country. They say

"As often as we have had the opportunity we have expressed in our pages the wishes which we have never ceased to form for the liberation of the Irish RomanCatholics from their civil disabilities. Without overlooking the difficulties which this question presents, and aware that such a measure should be surrounded by such securities as the constitution of England demands, we live too near the times when the laws assailed ourselves with civil disabilities, not to desire the most prompt and complete abolition of the disabilities of others.--Among those who have most contributed to enlighten the mind of the public on this subject, we may reckon some who are not less distinguished by their attachment to Christianity than by their love to liberty....May God grant the accomplishment of this measure in the session which has just opened. Convinced, as Christians, of its justice, we are equally so as Protestants, that it will be a heavy blow to Popery in Ireland. When the Catholics of that country shall no longer fear being accused of cowardice in abandoning a religion, which is now a question of party rather than of conscience, we shall see more of them separate themselves from the Romish Church, and be willing to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified."

May the event correspond to this auspicious anticipation. We would wish to quit the topic under those Christian impressions which such a hope is calculated to awaken. The success or the failure of the pending measure is not a subject for party-spirit, or irritating triumph on any side. The whole subject is fraught with considerations the most anxious, in whatever way it may be viewed. In what has passed there is much to explain, and something mutually to forgive; but there is no just cause for acerbity of spirit, or for those grievous inroads upon Christian forbearance and brotherly kindness which this question has so widely awakened.

While thus alluding to these lamented animosities, we regret to be constrained to notice one mournful illustration of them, which has gone beyond the war of words or pens, and might have ended in a scene of deliberate murder. We have seen two