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among great numbers of the clergy, whose general opinions were however inferred perhaps too broadly, from the fact of Mr. Peel's rejection at Oxford; and, not least, the king himself is stated to have imbibed serious scruples, in consequence of strong private representations which had been made to him; though, as is understood, he at length gave the fullest pledge of his determination to yield to the decision of parliament. Under these various circumstances, an opinion had gone abroad, that less decisive measures than those originally intended, would be introduced; an opinion which has not been borne out by the fact; for be the measures right or wrong, popular or unpopular, they are at least of a most decisive character. And this we are disposed, upon the whole, to think is true wisdom on this difficult question; for if any thing is to be done, it ought to be done effectually: half measures would only confer power without allaying irritation, and more would in the end be won by instalments, than is now offered generously and

at once.

The intended enactments, as we stated in our last Number, were to consist of a measure of grace, and of others of restriction and security. The measure of grace is most ample; it opens all offices to his Majesty's Roman-Catholic subjects, with the exception of the Chancellorship of England, and the Chancellorship and Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. To this large grant of eligibility we should certainly strongly object, if we could believe that it is contrary to the injunctions of Scripture, inimical to the cause of Protestantism, or likely to add to the extension of the papal superstition; but not being convinced on any of these points, believing rather the contrary, and feeling deeply impressed with the various considerations which we briefly specified in our last Number, we by no means participate in the alarm with which many of our fellow-Protestants view this ample enfranchisement. The subject deserves, however, to be discussed at considerable length, as a religious, as well as a merely political question, and we are prepared to undertake such a discussion; but, for the present, we must be contented with referring our readers to a valuable communication in a future page of this Number, from the pen of the Rev. Daniel Wilson, who having been strongly animadverted upon in various quarters, for the part which he felt it his duty to take in the Oxford election, in favour of Mr. Peel, has considered it not unworthy of his office and character, nay a duty which he owes to those who, from the most laudable mo tives, may have felt interested in learning the grounds of his opinion, to state freely, and with Christian simplicity, the long struggle which had been passing in his own mind, in reference to this momentous question, and the arguments which eventually influenced his decision. This doCHRIST, OBSERV. No. 327.

cument affords an edifying exhibition of a powerful and ingenuous mind, under the guidance of true piety and an enlightened judgment, reversing some of its most long cherished sentiments; and we readily open our pages to our highly respected friend's fearless and manly avowal, which, at a moment of much public excitement, we would hope will have a beneficial and healing effect, in the minds of many who have long esteemed Mr. Wilson as a faithful servant and minister of Christ, even though they should not be altogether convinced by his arguments.

Turning, then, for the present from the enactment of grace to those of necessary restriction and precaution, we feel humbly thankful to God, that we find nothing in them which abets or even recognises the Church of Rome. Not more strongly did we ourselves object by anticipation in our last Number, to vetos, concordats, and, above all, to paying the Roman-Catholic priesthood, than did Mr. Peel in the speech with which he introduced his measure. The Roman Catholic is to be placed upon the general footing of other Dissenters, as respects civil privileges; and this being the case, it must inevitably follow before long, that the public grant to Maynooth will be withdrawn, for the payment of which there will now be no more reason, even of a merely political kind, than for a parliamentary support of the Dissenting academies of Homerton or Cheshunt. We have not space at present for an analysis of the various clauses of the bill: and, as some of them may possibly be altered in their progress through parliament, we the more readily defer our abstract of them to a future Number. Among other particulars, they prescribe a new oath to be taken instead of the rescinded oaths and the declaration against transubstantiation; they make full exceptions to the admission of office and the enjoyment of privilege, as respects the church and the universities; the assumption of English and Irish episcopal titles is prohibited; the insignia of office are not to be taken to any place of worship, but those of the Established Church; public displays of Roman-Catholic ceremonies are forbidden; persons under monastic vows, now in the kingdom, are to be registered, and no such persons are in future to be admitted. And, with a view to prevent the evils which may result from the present state of the elective franchise in Ireland, by another bill the qualification is to be raised from 21. to 10%., a measure which is argued to be desirable on general grounds, as well as with reference to the removal of the present disabilities.

Into the nature and efficiency of these precautions we cannot at present enter; and indeed, as we have before stated, we augur little benefit from oaths, restrictions, or other securities, upon paper or parchment. The only effectual security for the 2 C

peace of a nation, under the blessing of God, are wise and equitable laws, and the impartial administration of justice. The Roman Catholics are but a minority in the country; and they have, therefore, no right to be the dominant party; nor have we the least apprehension that they are likely to become so. The supposition is quite irrational. We need not, however, say what an imperative duty lies upon their Protestant fellow-subjects to endeavour, with all affection and zeal, to bring them to a more scriptural knowledge, and holier faith; a subject upon which we purpose, before long, to expatiate, as its importance deserves; and which, in the mean time, we earnestly recommend to the serious consideration of all our readers. We conceive, also, that the government and legislature have important duties to perform, in this respect, which we trust will not be forgotten or neglected. But we must defer this topic also.

The introduction of these measures has produced long and earnest debates; the result of which has been, on the first division, 348 for, and 160 against the bill; on the second, 353 for, and 173 against; and in the progress of the bill through the committee, proportionable majorities. There is, therefore, no doubt of the whole measure passing the house of commons in nearly its original form; and scarcely any greater doubt of its passing the upper house, perhaps with a few modifications, and receiving the Royal assent. Under these circumstances we quite feel with all our fellow-Protestants, that the present is truly an eventful crisis; and although we do not perceive the same causes of alarm with many of them, we fully concur with them that it is a period which calls for earnest prayer to the Giver of every good and perfect gift, that he would direct all things to his own glory, and the peace, welfare, and salvation of mankind. The duties incumbent upon Protestants, under the intended new order of civil relations, we hope, as before-mentioned, to dwell upon hereafter. There are, however, one or two points which we ought, if possible, yet to notice; but we must first introduce Mr. Wilson's communication, which is as follows.

To the Editor of the Christian Observer.

Islington, March 23, 1829. MR. EDITOR,-Your opinions on the great question which now agitates the country so nearly coincide with those which I am strongly disposed to entertain, that I solicit your permission to state some of the reasons by which I am swayed in adopting them. Such a statement, at a moment like the present, may possibly satisfy the minds of some who are in difficulties similar to those I once felt myself; or, at the least, may convince them that more may be said, than they have hitherto

imagined, in favour of the measures now proposed by his Majesty's ministers.

I

I was once, like the warmest of my anti-relief friends, a strong opposer of all measures of concession to the Roman Catholics. I thought that the truth of the Protestant, and the deep corruption of the Roman-Catholic, Church, alike compelled me to uncompromising resistance. I even thought that the Divine Prophecies forbad any measures of conciliation. imagined that legislative enactments must involve some approbation of the Roman Church, and might bring on the ruin of the Protestant. For nearly twenty years I viewed the Catholic question in this light. I was anxious not to be convinced. Convinced, however, I have been-or rather brought to a stand-led to doubt the certainty of my former conclusions-and to leave to the wisdom of the legislature the determination of the point concerning the Catholic disabilities.

It is nine or ten years since this change in my sentiments began to take place. What first struck me, was the broad fact of the miserable state of Ireland-the sad progress of the Catholic religion-its firmer hold on the minds of the people-the animosity and division, the disorder and turbulence-the general bad state of things as to all the great foundations of morals and piety, of civil subjection and mutual security and peace. There seemed to me to be no approach to that ordinary condition of an important member of a great empire, which the position and external advantages of Ireland might otherwise have ensured.

I next began to reflect, that almost all our greatest statesmen, in my own day, of all parties, who differed on nearly every other subject, agreed upon this, that our exclusive laws have been a prominent cause of these deplorable evils. These statesmen, I said to myself, must know much more of the operation of disabling laws on large classes of men, than I can pretend to do. They must be also much better acquainted with the actual circumstances of Ireland. I cannot, for a moment, doubt the powers of mind, the constitutional and historical knowledge, and the attachment to the Protestant Establishment, of such statesmen as Pitt, Burke, Wyndham, and Grenville. When I see such men agree with their most determined political opponents on a dry point of legislation, I ought surely to pause. And when I add to these authorities, the opinions of others, who, uniting the deepest piety with similar talents and information as statesmen, seem best entitled to my confidence; when I see such names as Wilberforce, H. Thornton, Buxton, Babington, Lord Harrowby, the Calthorpes, the Grants*, Sir T. Baring, Sir T. D. Ac

* One of the last things which the late venerated and most excellent Mr. Charles Grant said to me, was, that he was con

land, and a host of Christian statesmen, arrayed on the side of peace, I am induced to suspect my over-confident persuasions.

I then went on to ask myself, whether it was not possible that some popular error might have been unconsciously cherished in my mind on this wide question; and have led me to mingle my deeplyseated hostility to Popery, with matters not necessarily connected with it. Past history certainly teaches me, that every great topic, which has been long agitated in a free country, becomes mixed up with a variety of points with which it has no essential connexion. Past history teaches me, that, of all topics, religion has been most apt to be the occasion of heats and controversies, from its infinite importance, and its direct concern with the conscience. Past history teaches me, that when any portion of a great people is in possession of immunities, they have been ever prone to fears, jealousies, and alarm, when the admission of others to a participation of them has been proposed. Past history teaches me, as Lord Clarendon strongly states, that the clergy, as a body, have, like all other bodies of men, been frequently found the worst judges of matters of legislation affecting their own order. These things spring out of our common nature. The blame rests, not on the present generation, but on man as man*. These considerations insensibly prepared my mind for examining the religious bearings of the question with greater care. I was willing to consider, whether there were not separate parts of the subject to be disposed of on their respective principles.

To this end, I inquired of those senators on whose piety and talents I had the strongest reason to repose, if they could point out to me any plain, intelligible principle of mis-government in the affairs of Ireland, which was distinct from the religious character of Popery; and which, if removed, would leave the full force of pure Christianity to operate upon the minds and hearts of the people. They mentioned instantly, the anomalous state of the laws; laws which thwart and impede each other's operation; which place the Irish RomanCatholics in A FALSE POSITION, where their property and wealth, their influence and numbers, work against the peace of the community, instead of for it-laws which irritate without subduing-which gather for the Catholics all the elements of political power, and yet deny them the means of using it safely; which drive in

vinced that Catholic-relief was most agreeable to the highest and purest spirit of Christianity.

The history of the league in Franceof the civil war in our own country-of the agitation fifty years since, when the more odious of the Roman-Catholic penal laws were repealed, attest this.

upon the vitals of the state the fever which might be assuaged by proper treat

ment.

I allowed that this was certainly a point distinct from religion: I doubted, however, whether it could be separated from the Catholic superstition. Consider, then, the present state of the laws, replied my friends. They belong to a system which has outlived the occasion which created them. Most of the severer penal statutes have been repealed, and those which remain are neither one thing nor another; neither coercive enough to restrain the rising energies of the people, nor generous enough to give them the peace and tranquillity of citizens. They just serve to brand with a mark of indignity, without affording safety to the Protestant, or any effective check to the Roman-Catholic religion. They are the relics of a worn-out oppression. They send the Catholics abroad, as Mr. Wilberforce once finely said, with their prison-dress upon them, after their fetters have been knocked off and they have been considered to be at large.

The laws now allow the Roman Catholics to follow commerce, acquire wealth, possess and devise estates, pursue the honours of the bar and the camp, exercise the rites of their religion, advance in knowledge and science, spread over the country in their talents, reputation, numbers above all, to enjoy the elective franchise; that is, they open all the abundant sources of influence and powerand then they deprive them of a share in the privileges of the Constitution, deny them any efficient channel for expressing their grievances, leave them without their natural leaders, and throw them into the arms of demagogues and priests. The political power of the Catholics is not now the question; this already exists, and is daily increasing; but it works in discontent, in turbulence, in outrage. The engine has no safety-valve. Repeal these anomalous statutes; sever the Catholic gentry from that unnatural dependence on their priests, which the spirit of exclusion generates; give them the common interest of citizens; mix them with the Protestant gentry and legislators; and their violence will be moderated, subdued, controlled. The flood, which now dashes over the rocks, and precipitates itself down the fearful torrent, will flow more gently and safely when mingled with the other currents of the soil, and allowed to roll in the capacious bed of the parent stream.

Here then, said my friends, a false principle is at work. This is a political error. an error in government, which has nothing to do with the character of the particular religion on which it operates. Set this matter to rights, and you strengthen the Protestant faith, and open a way for the conversion of the Catholics. Till this is done, all other means of benefiting Ireland fail, because they only accumulate the

materials and causes of the evil. Every increase of the wealth, comfort, and influence of the Irish, as things now are, increases the danger of the state. Each year's delay is aggravating the disease. And what, they added, was the origin of these penal laws? Temporary and incidental not to seize a religion, but to detect treason. The occasion has ceased; the exiled family is no more: let the exclusive laws expire with the cause which gave them birth. Irritating and harsh statutes, if continued beyond the occasion, can never promote the religion of peace and love.

The more I considered the subject, the more it seemed to me that these facts, if they could be made out, would deserve attention. It has been always so, said I to myself, in all ages and all countries: a distrustful and contemptuous policy makes men rebels by treating them as such a generous policy attracts and creates confidence, and obtains a loyal affection by deserving it. If this unequal state of the laws is festering in the bosom of the people, can I wonder that Ireland is in its present state? If we can extract this irritating thorn, we are most effectually sapping the vigour of the false religion which it excites and inflames. There can be nothing that opposes the Divine law in this, as I used to think there must be; nothing which dishonours God; nothing which undervalues the warnings of Prophecy nothing which betrays indifference to the Protestant faith. It is merely altering civil regulations as circumstances require. To separate the religious from the political parts of a mixed question, is the office of true wisdom. At least, let me pause before I continue my opposition to all conciliatory measures. It is possible I may be wrong. The whole subject may be susceptible of a new light. My principles, indeed, must be unaltered, my dread of the apostate church be the same, my reverence for the word of God the same; but perhaps I may discover that I have been mixing up these things, which I do understand, with other things, which I do not understand.

Many of these considerations had been thrown into my mind, and had been working there, when I went abroad for my health about six years since. I was slow to give up my old opinions. Though the foundation of them was shaken, it was long before I fully detected the error, or rather false association of thought, which pervaded them. I went abroad, however. I saw the Catholics and Protestants of France, Switzerland, and Germany enjoy the same laws, sit in the same legislative assemblies, partake of the same spirit of freedom, and sometimes (I do not defend the practice) worship in the same temples. I was in formed, that in Saxony, Prussia, the Netherlands, and Hanover one equal state of political privileges tended to peace and national strength. I found that where

the greatest freedom of intercourse prevailed, the grosser corruptions of Popery were less obtruded on the people in the discourses of the clergy. Wherever I went, the conduct of England to her RomanCatholie subjects excited surprise and indignation. I remember the late amiable and accomplished Baron de Stael wrote me word, just before his death, that the Jesuits, in proportion as they knew the circumstances of Ireland, were unfriendly to the measure of Emancipation, as likely to weaken the hold of their religion upon the people. During the same journey, the frightful absurdities and superstitions of Popery, as well as its spirit of bigotry and intolerance, seemed to lead me to hope that there was little danger of its spreading again amongst a free, highminded, and religious people, like the English. I came home with my doubts about my former opinions augmented. My dread of Popery, indeed, my abhorrence of its corruptions, and my veneration for the Protestant Episcopal Church of my own country, were more wakeful than ever; but I was better prepared to separate these feelings from the question of the system of laws which affected the Irish.

In this state of mind I continued after my return, taking no share in the discussions which arose, but expressing my doubts as occasion served. I found the statements of my parliamentary friends confirmed year after year-things in Ireland growing worse-a power rising up beside the law, and contrary to it-the priests more and more infatuating the minds of the people. Still I found the English clergy so decidedly hostile to any settlement of the case in a way of concession, that I was fearful of committing myself to a strong opinion on a question which might much depend on the particular plan of accommodation proposed. I began, however, to think some arrangement must be made, which might tend to undermine the strongest holds of a secular and debased superstition. Against such an arrangement I could no longer, in principle, see any insuperable obstacle. 1 thought it probable that it would be forced upon the government before long, considering the hopes which had been held out to the Irish Roman-Catholics at the Union, the majorities which had been gained in the House of Commons, and the actual state of Ireland.

You may imagine, then, sir, with what feelings I received the announcement in the Speech from the Throne, of the proposed adjustment of this long-agitated controversy. When the ministers of the Crown publicly declared, that the state of Ireland made it impossible for them to go on in the present system; that a divided government, a divided cabinet, a divided parliament, could no longer consist with the safety of the Protestant institutions

1

and the national welfare; I was, at length, strongly persuaded of the duty of a Christian minister to leave the question in the hands of the three estates of the realm, and to assist in calming, rather than inflaming, the public mind. What I might have thought, if the adjustment had come from the hands of a leading member of Opposition, or even from the policy of the late Mr. Canning, I cannot say certainly my confidence would have been less than that I now feel. Especially the manly avowal made by the Right Honourable the Home Secretary, Mr. Peel-considering the talents and acknowledged uprightness of this distinguished statesman, his attachment to our Protestant institutions, his intimate knowledge of Ireland, his natural and strong bias to the opposite measures from his connexion with Oxford, and from the lead he had taken in the House of Commons-considering, above all, the sacrifices of every kind, except conscience, duty, and the future approbation of a grateful country, which his noble conduct involved, all this had a powerful effect on my mind, and led me to think that the moment was indeed come for the amicable settlement of the question.

These anticipations have, I must say, been amply confirmed by the details of the measure as now laid before Parliament. Looking at them in a religious point of view, I really hope they will tend to secure the interests of a pure Christianity, and weaken all the strongest bulwarks of a corrupt and degenerate one. The civil details of the measure I leave to statesmen, except so far as they are immediately connected with the religious question. I am aware that a minister of the Gospel may not fully understand a political proceeding like this: he may, indeed, come to a practical conclusion, and must come to it, upon the best evidence he can obtain; but his limited opportunities for obtaining the necessary knowledge cannot, I own, but qualify the value of his opinion. In a religious view, then, what are the chief objections which now press on the minds of conscientious persons?

"Does the proposed adjustment involve any approbation of Popery as Popery, any union with idolatry, any indifference to the Protestant faith? Is there any sin necessarily involved in thus legislating for the Roman-Catholic subjects of our realm?" This is the first objection. So far as my judgment goes, I would answer, No: I think there is no sin involved in the settlement of it. The Irish RomanCatholics are fellow-creatures, fellowcountrymen, fellow-Christians. They belong to a true, though a most corrupt, church. They were a part of your people, would I say to my countrymen, long before the Reformation. To alter the details of legislation concerning them is nothing new. You have been doing it ever since that glorious era. They form

an integral portion of your population : they live amongst you: they are a third or fourth part of the British Empire: they obey your laws, they pay taxes, they form your armies, they fight your battles: they are already united with you in government, rights, and protection: you derive from them a share of all the benefits which subjects confer upon a state. Legislate for them you must, either in the way of conciliation or coercion. Remain as you are, you cannot. If you re-model your laws, you do it in order to strengthen the Protestant Church; to meet altered circumstances; to render justice, and requite years of neglect or injury, to Ireland; to complete and make consistent your previous benefits; to carry into effect the spirit of your constitution.

You do this, moreover, with an avowed and open profession of unalterable attachment to the Protestant religion; you do it with such provisions against the worst practices of Popery as proclaims your dread of its corruptions; you exclude the Jesuits; you put down the Popish Associations; you take the peasantry out of the hands of priests and demagogues; you exact from the Catholic senator an express oath that he will maintain the Protestant succession to the Crown, and the Protestant church; that is, you exact more securities than any reasonable Protestant ever imagined possible. You avoid, further, in the conduct of the arrangements, every thing that can give any colour to the charge of an union with Popery; you declare you will have nothing to do with it; you will not be implicated in the nomination of their bishops; you will not support their clergy; you will have no intercourse with their corrupt hierarchy, no dealings, no concordat, no understanding, no compromise with Rome. You thus stand forth as a Protestant people, avowing your attachment to the Protestant religion, and performing an act of national equity, which you are persuaded will also go to undermine the artificial supports of the apostate church. If this be to unite with idolatry, or to countenance Popery, I know not what would be protesting against it. Nor have you done this till necessity positively forced it upon you. So fearful have you justly been of the Roman-Catholic religion, that nothing would lead your government to interfere, but a necessity so imperious as to admit of no delay. It is no sin, therefore, but an obvious duty, a plain act of national piety, a reparation made for long-continued misrule. It is to set to rights an anomalous state of the laws, and take from the Papists the factitious strength arising from indignation at a sense of wrong.

If the annual grant to the college of Maynooth were to be discontinued, it

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