that she devised to him the whole of her disposable property, by a will which is dated on the day of her decease, although that event occurred "between two and three of the clocke in the morning." Her body was embalined, and wrapped in lead in the usual manner; and great preparations were made for her interment in the chapel of Sudeley Castle, notwithstanding the late king had directed that her remains should be deposited with his own, and those of his other favourite queen, Jane Seymour, in a vault prepared for that purpose at Windsor. The funeral procession commenced with a long train of gentlemen and esquires, knights, officers of household, and gentlemen ushers. Then followed the corpse, supported by six gentlemen in black gowns and hoods, preceded by a herald "in cote," and surrounded by attendants bearing torches. The chief mourner on this solemn occasion, was the amiable and interesting lady Jane Grey, who was followed by a nuinerous assemblage of ladies, arranged according to their rank, and these were succeeded by a band of yeomen, who closed the procession. Dr. Coverdale, who had been the almoner of the deceased queen, performed the service, and preached a 66. goode and godlie sermonde," in which he assured his audience, that the accustomed offering which was made to the alins-box, was not "don anye thinge to proffytt the deade, but for the poore oniye." The daughter of Katherine, whose name was Mary, did not long survive her unfortunate parents. The execution of Seymour took place on the 20th of March, 1549, and he then committed her to the care of the duchess of Suffolk, She was soon after restored to that rank of which she had been deprived by her father's attainder, and died the same ycar. For upwards of two centuries, the body of Katherine was allowed to rest quietly in the earth, but becoming at length an object of curiosity, in consequence of the publication of a breviat of her bu This active and zealous réformer, was consecrated bishop of Exeter, in 1549, but he was afterwards compelled to vacate his see, and fly to the Continent for refuge during the persecution of queen Mary, by whom he was designed to have been sacrificed. His advanced age prevented his resuming his episcopal functions, when Elizabeth ascended the throne. rial, a party of ladies, in 1782, directed not He examined one of her hands, which was somewhat discoloured, but yet quite perfect, and then respectfully placed the coffin in its original situation. But the ashes of Katherine were even now suffered to repose in peace. Her grave was again violated with a sacrilegious temerity that had neither the plea of antiquarian research, nor of scientific curiosity, to extenuate the outrage. The body, almost decayed, was taken out of the coffin; the hair, which was long and beautiful, although somewhat discoloured by damp, was cut off; and the next day, a deep grave was prepared near the centre of the chapel, where the mouldering relics were finally deposited. Dr. Parkhurst, afterwards bishop of Norwich, who was one of her chaplains, wrote for her a Latin epitaph, which Strype has preserved, and which proba bly was inscribed on her tomb. It bas been thus translated: In this new tomb, the royal Kath'rine lies, wise: It is a singular circumstance that the remains of the marquis of Northampton, the queen's only brother, should also have been impiously disturbed. He died October 28, 1571, and was buried at the upper end of the choir of the collegiate church of Warwick, where his body was dug up in the reign of James I. to make room for an ordinary gen tlewoman. It was found perfect, with the skin entire, dried to the bones, with rosemary and bays lying in the coffin. All which were so preserved by the dryness of the ground wherein they lay, it being above the arches of that vault, which is under the choir, and in a sandy soil.” A wifes A wife, by every nuptial virtue known, And faithful partner To Seymour next her plighted hand she From him, a beauteous daughter blest her An infant copy of her parent's charms. bloom'd, Heaven, in its wrath, the mother's soul resum'd; Great Katherine's merit in our grief appears, While fair Britannia dews her cheek with tears; Our loyal breasts with rising sighs are torn, With saints she triumphs, we with mortals mourn. Many original portraits of Katherine are known to exist. One at Lambeth palace, another at Newnham Paddox, a third at Stowe, a fourth at Strawberryhiil, and a fifth in the possession of a clergyman in Norfolk. She had many eulogists among her contemporaries; and her character and talents have always been duly appreciated. In a very scarce tract, by Ulpian Fulwell, entitled, " The Flower of Fame," 1575, is a curious poem, "in prayse of the renowned ladye Queene Catherin Par." It commences with Fame calling an assembly of renowned women, by order of Dame Virtue." The assembly being formed, Dame Virtue decrees, that " one among the rest should bear the chiefest mace,' upon which some propose Penelope, CorBelia, &c. but it being answered that they "by Fate in earthly clod were stayde:" "At last by lot the cryer sayd, Where is that noble dame, Queen Elizabeth being present, an swers, that her "mortall lyfe had run the fatali race." Upon this the whole troop of Dame Virtue, Dame Pacience, Paleas, the Muses, the Graces, &c. &c. break ́out into "paynefull playnts,” and “ dole I shall now take leave of Sudeley Cas tle, and of Katherine Parr; and shall endeavour very soon to give you some ac count of Hailes Abbey. Adieu. To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. You would greatly oblige a constant reader of by the insertion of a few remarks on Odyour valuable miscellany, dy's Immaculate Stereotype edition of Hume and Sinollett's History of England, (as the public is informed) now publish ing in Numbers. The external appearance of the work, and respectability of the historians, determined me to subscribe to it, in full expectation of possessing an excellent history of my country, or at the least a tolerable one, from the pompous language on the covers of the numbers; but you may guess my disappointment when I assure you, that in each number, consisting of thirty-two pages, the first and second excepted, I have discovered four, five, and sometimes six, errors, on only reading them over cursorily; besides others which may have escaped my notice. If any of your numerous correspondents can inform me, whether it is possible for so many errors to be comnitted in the stereotype, or whether it is not rather a name imposed on the public, as I am much inclined to believe, their information would much oblige, 22 I. A. No. Chap. Page. line. 3 5 3 88 19 tham, for them abosolute, for absolute wos, for quas 3 2 90 37 4 2 103 28 4 5 3 144 34 6 3 174 6AF.1 188 55 For the Monthly Magazine." OBSERVATIONS. on the PRE-ENT STATE of the COTTON COLONIES. (Continued from page 117.). AVING already ascertained the ful dollors," but are comforted by Dame H real state of the colonists, it be Virginitie, who informs them, that Q. K. P. had yelde her soule unto the heavens, yet left on earth her fame;" and that her name, in books of fame, for ever shall remain: and she finally proposes that they "Should let queene Katherin Par enjoye Fame for her vertuous race, And unto queene Elizabeth Dame Virtue yelde the mace." class. The monopoly by the mother Country-the encouragement afforded to foreign cotton-the continued slavetrade by other nations-the favour Buiformly shewn to the manufacturer at the expence of the planter-and the imposition of duties on the raw material, compose the second. There may be other minor circumstances that concur in producing the same end; these however are of primary importance, and if obviated, the others will soon avail nothing. It would be useless to trace the various ramifications of the first, as they operate generally; and it is not to be expected that these effects will cease as soon as their influence on one part of the empire is pointed out. The latter, however, is of a different character: their injurious operation is immediately confined to the planters; they may be obviated, if prejudice and folly do not interfere. 1. The monopoly claimed by the mother country is of a two-fold nature, viz. as relating to the supply to the colonies, and to the export of produce from them. Each part of this monopoly is exacted with unrelenting activity by Great Britain. Every person at all acquainted with West India affairs, is aware that all provisions might be obtained at one half expence from North America, than they are from the United Kingdoms; but, according to the letter of Monopoly Acts, the admission of such a practice would be destructive of British interests. This is to be questioned: indeed, Mr. Jordan, in an excellent tract on this subject, has clearly demonstrated, (as far as such matters are capable of demonstration) that this opinion is completely without foundation. If then the spirit and not the letter of old statutes is to be regarded, (and this is most consonant with common sense,) the restriction would be impolitic and oppressive, and some remedy should be immediately applied. It is not a little singular, that the exclusion of foreigners from a free trade with us, is most rigorously enforced in that instance, in which it is most detrimental to genuine British interests; and that where its partial enforcement would be beneficial, it is altogether neglected. It is scarcely necessary to recal the encouragement afforded to the foreign growers of cotton wool. Of this more hereafter. The most favourable expression of that can be used in speaking of the principle of monopoly is, that it is a very doubtful one: if it be examined more narrowly, it will be found far from dubious, and accordingly the best informed politicians, have uniformly discouraged it, except in one or two extraordinary cases, where it is warranted by peculiarly strong circumstances. But on these exceptions, the national objects are of primary importance, and the individual oppression little or nothing. If the general principle of monopoly be inadmissible with one or two exceptions; if it be proved that the present is not one of the extreme cases, but that public, no less than individual injury, must be the result; if it be farther shewn, that a departure from the general prin ciple will be highly advantageous to the whole empire; then no monopolist, however determined on his object, will venture to oppose the reasoning, however pertinaciously he may persist in the practice. Now all this has been already done. 2. The encouragement afforded to foreigners is the next source of the colo nist's inisfortunes: by reference to table C. it will be seen, that American and Portuguese cottons, when imported into this country in British shipping, pay no more than that which is produced in our own colonies.. It has been also shewn, that the cotton thus encouraged, is cultivated at an expence much inferior to that of British cotton; and that while foreigners are enjoying every advantage, the British planter is actually sacrificing his capital. Connected with this cause, is another to which humanity, equally with policy, directs the attention of Great Britain. The legislature of this country has, with a propriety that does it eternal honour, abolished the British slave-trade, and continues to adopt regulations subversive of the system still covertly carried on. By this act, its memory is sauctified in the hearts of all good men, and will be an everlasting monument of the omnipotence of truth. But as it now stands, it is imperfect: by it, British property is rendered comparatively less valuable; for foreigners still carry on the trade; so that they are daily and hourly extending the plantations, the quantity of produce is necessarily increasing, and the price is consequently becoming de pressed. The British planter being restricted to his original limits, can produce only a certain quantity of cotton, which, at the present low prices, cannot, requite him. On the contrary, he mast be overwhelmed with all the misery that poverty, poverty can inflict. The foreigner suffers no loss, for the quantity makes a larger return than compensates for the depreciated price. Besides this, the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia and Maryland, has of late been less an object of attention; and the gangs of negroes formerly engaged in it, have been sent into the southern states, where the American cotton planter, thus reinforced, is enabled to commence his operations with increasing vigour. 3. The encouragement uniformly shewn to the manufacturer, at the expence of the planter, is another cause of the misfortunes of the latter. All applications made for relief by the latter to the Board of Trade have been rejected, because the objects sought, were considered by the former as injurious to his interests. How far this opinion is well founded, will be best enquired into when discussing the most expedient means of relieving the cotton planter. 4. The imposition of duties on the raw material, is the last of these principal causes; the fact is notorious, and the examination of its correctness will best take place when the remedy is proposed. Means of Relief.-A short sketch of the condition of the cotton planter, and of some of the most prominent causes of that condition, having been given, it becomes necessary to suggest some means of alleviation, lest it should be supposed that the foregoing statement has been made merely for the sake of complaint, without the means, or even the possibility, of remedy. The British cotton grower is not one of those que rulous beings, that feel satisfaction in constantly conjuring up schemes of misery for himself, or in detailing evils from which escape is impossible. So far from cherishing a disposition of this kind, he has uniformly anticipated more favourable events; and now that hope is almost banished from his horizon, it cannot surely be improper either for him, or those interested in his success, to detail his misfortunes, and to point those means which seem most conducive of general advantage. That there are means by which this end may be attained, the author of these pages undertakes to prove. How far he may succeed in his attempts, depends ultimately on the decision of the public, to whose judgment be submits, in the just confidence that no unfair bias will occur against his subject. MONTHEY MAG, No. 204. The object to which the attention is now to be directed then, is the means of relief which may, and ought to be, af forded to the cotton planters. The great and crying cause of the present distress under which he labours, is the encouragement, or rather preference, shewn to foreigners, as has been fully proved in the former parts of these ob servations. It is impossible to reflect on this circumstance without the greatest surprise, whether the colonics are consi dered integral parts of, or mere depen dencies on, the empire. If the former opinion be admitted, (as I think it must) such conduct is inconsistent with every principle of common sense, and common justice: the mere obligations of society require, that the subjects of every state have the first claims on its protection and encouragement. No man would dream of supporting his neighbour's offspring, while his own are perishing for want. The obligations of nations ought to be as binding as those of individuals. Even those who contend that colonies are to be considered mere dependencies, will readily admit that they certainly are more nearly allied to the parent state, than any foreigners can possibly be. And by a parity of reasoning, they are entitled to more unqualified support and aid. That they receive neither in the proper degree, is an unquestionable fact. The proofs are to be found in the preceding pages. It has been of late too much the fashion with a certain class of politicians, to consider the quantity of cotton produced by the British plantations so insignificant as to be unworthy of attention in great political determinations. They forget that this quantity amounts to a third of the whole quantity consumed; they forget that it is always within our power; and above all, they forget their own great public, as well as private, stake, which they expose to certain loss. To have so large a proportion as a third of any staple article in our own territories, is certainly better than having none; for suppose (as in all likelihood will be the case in future times) that the vast conti nent of America should direct its attention to manufacturing objects; policy, and a fair attention to their native interests, will lead them to monopolize the purchase of their produce for their own manufacturers. In the mean time, the British colonies have been involved in ruin by the cruel neglect of the mother 2 H country country! What will then be her resources? She can look to India alone, whence cotton may be exported, but of such a description, and on such terms, as will deprive our manufactures of any chance for competition with foreigners. Such a prospect may be considered as remote and unlikely to be realized, at least at the present day. But even a remote probability should be regarded by the patriotic politician with careful attention; and for that reason the present question should be boldly met, and not avoided like a pestilence. By forgetting the interests of the colonists, they forget that such a neglect will involve others, soouer or later, in ruin. The revenue now furnished by them, must devolve on the public; while thou sands of individuals who now live by their properties in the colonies, would be deprived of the very means of existence. The most careless observer must be struck with the intimate relation borne by the cotton colonies, to the first springs of public life. Revenue, industry, and private independence, are all involved in its prosperity; and unless this be promoted with zeal and energy, the sure dependence of the manufacturer will be converted into an unstable dependence on foreigners. Industry will be repressed, the revenue diminished by such a multiplicity of drains that it would be impossible to ascertain its precise amount, and the very object of the navigation laws will be defeated by the diminution of our naval resources. This is the part in which the public is interested. Let us turn and contemplate the prospects of those whom it more imme diately effects. The chimeras respecting West Indian wealth, have ceased to influence the dreams of any but the unfledged stripling, who has for the first time quitted his paternal roof, and in the flush of expectation anticipates events which are never to happen. The man who has spent the greater part of his life in the West Indies, knows from fatal experience, that independence is only to be obtained by unwearied exertion. He knows that, after having acquired the means of support, and having returned to spend the evening of his days in his native country, his fond wishes, and indeed reasonable expectations, have been blasted; and that misfortune has accumulated so rapidly, as to overwhelm him with despair. Year after year he has looked forward in 1 the humble hope of redress from the legislature of his country, for which he has already sacrificed so much. But his hopes are as vain and futile as those of him, who, deluded by the false glare of an ignis fatuus, expects to be led into a place of security and comfort. The prospect now blackens, and at an advanced period of life, with a constitution broken by activity and anxiety, this unhappy sufferer will be again exiled to distant countries, where his almost ex. hausted frame must soon yield an unavailing sacrifice to new efforts. Bereft of a protector, his wife, his orphans, are cast on a pitiless world, without any consolation or even commiseration. Nor is this an exaggerated picture: too many illustrations of its truth might be detailed. (To be continued.) To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. SIE, WISH to propose for discussion the conduct that ought to be pursued towards the poor; the common opinion is, that too much cannot be done for them. I, on the contrary think, that too little cannot be done for them, and that the wisest course, generally speaking, would be to leave them to themselves, and allow them to overcome the disadvantages of their situation, and to obtain the advantages possessed by their superiors, by their own exertions. Every assistance that is afforded them, is at the expence of their independence, and discourages exertion; upon this principle, I disapprove generally of charitable insti tutions, whether for the purpose of affording education to the children of the poor, or for any other purpose: my notions may be thought to be unfeeling, and a number of arguments may be brought against them, but I think they are outweighed by the consideration I have mentioned, that whatever assistance is afforded the poor, affects their independence, and discourages exertion. I do not mean that the poor should not be relieved on occasional distress: but poverty is not distress: poverty and distress are quite distinct things; perhaps the opinion I have adopted may appear to be ill-founded, but at present it appears to me to rest on just notions of human nature; at all events, the discussion can do no harm, if you shall think this com munication worthy of insertion. Sept. 8, 1810, J. S. To |