PRINTED FOR RICHARD PHILLIPS, No. 6, New Bridge-Staz57, By whom Communications (Post-paid) are thankfully received. (Price Fifteen Shillings half-bound.) Printed by J. ADLARD, Duke-street, Wes>Smithfield. THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE. No. 202.] AUGUST 1, 1810. [1 of VOL. 30. As long as those who write are ambitious of making Converts, and of giving their Opinions a Maximum of ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. For the Monthly Magazine. ed and separated from each other, might OBSERVATIONS on the PRESENT STATE of have otherwise been withheld from the the COTTON COLONIES. HE critical nature of the public eye. The misfortunes Tperiod renders it indispensable that are generally ines of the sugar-planter the various parts of the empire should have their interests so consolidated and identified, that universal satisfaction and concord may be the consequence. To effect this, no scheine is more likely than that which, by ascertaining the various rights of the different parts of the community, enables the supreme authorities to apportion to all the proper share of these burthens which the exigencies of the times require. Generosity, the distinguishing characteristic of the British people, spurns at the narrow policy of sacrificing the best interests of one part of the empire to that of any other. Partial calamity,, therefore, must have been unknown, or the general spirit of the nation would have long since called loudly for justice; and her cries would have been rendered still more piercing by the paramount sug-, gestions of interest. Amidst the general pressure of the war, the West India proprietors, have suffered in a degree which the public would scarcely have credited, had not the facts been authenticated by unques tionable documents. Formerly they received the fair reward of industry, and of personal sacrifices: at present, they are not merely deprived of such requital, but are absolutely losing what they may have already realized, or becoming so deeply involved as to be obliged to surrender their properties to creditors, who, in turn, must yield to similar evils. Such a state of a great empire cannot long exist without partial ruin and general loss. To obviate both of these events must be the wish of every lover of his country; but before they can be obvis ated they must be known. The author of these observations undertakes that task, from a solicitude to benefit bis fellow citizens, by placing facts within their grasp, which, from being widely scatter MONTHLY Mag. No. 202. 1 tracts that have been given to the world, by gentlemen fully competent to treat of such subjects. The cotton-planter has, however, had no advocate, though by no means exempted from the general cala mities. To point out particularly his sufferings and their causes, is the chief object of these pages. In order to have precise notions on the subject, it is ne cessary to ascertain as clearly as circumstances permit, the real relations of the mother country and her colonies. The principles are, of necessity, general. A slight sketch will be afterwards given of the former and the present state of the cotton colonies; of the causes of the existing pressure; and of those means of alleviation which seem most feasible and practicable. Politicians have so long agreed as to the general principle of the relations of the parent state and her colonies, that it may seem almost superfluous to enter upon it in this place. The motives, in which the most vehement dissention ori ginated, have long been at rest; but if ever again called into action, there is little doubt of their resuming their influence on the discussions of those who look no farther than to the object of immediate interest. It will, therefore, be well to take a few of the most important and obvious points into consideration, before a decided opinion is formed. One party contends that colonies are mere dependencies; the other, that they are integral parts of the empire. The latter opmion seems so congenial to every feeling of the human heart, that it is difficult to discover how liberal men could have been brought to oppose it with the zeal and pertinacity that have been displayed. The arguments in its favour may be considered of three classes: natural, analogical, and political. A Colonies 寡 Colonies are well known to be establishments remote from the seat of empire, that have been originally founded by the nation to which they are attached, as by some others, from which the possession has been obtained by conquest or by cession. The colonies, owing their existence to the possessing power, must be consider ed integral parts of the empire; for in quitting their native shores, neither the first adventurers nor their successors reInquished their birth-right: they merely transferred their habitations; being still subject to the laws of that country which gave them birth: they could not have sacrificed any privileges, because no crime was imputed by law; they suffered the penalties of every crime committed abroad, and succeeded to estates and honours in the same way as if at home. In short, they remained within the pale of their country's laws, except in those instances in which local circumstances rendered it impossible. The regulations of each province of a state are adapted to some peculiarities which do not exist elsewhere: yet the aggregate of these provinces constitute the empire. It cannot be urged that a temporary relinquishment of privilege may take place; for it involves the gross absurdity of surrendering a power to be resumed at pleasure, while no specific contract to that effect was ever made. The very act of surrendering the advantages of any society, disqualifies a man for the functions of a citizen. His political existence having ceased, he cannot perform political acts. The whole commu nity alone can enable him to resume his rank among them: the moral difficulty in this case is very analogous to the physical impossibility of a dead man's returning to life by his own act. No laws, however, have ever been enacted to disfranchise the British colonists of their birth-rights: they are in the same situation with their countrymen on the high scas; alike removed from the inmediate superintendance of the government, but equally entitled to protec tion. The application of this doctrine to the original colonies, or those which owe their existence to the state in actual possession, is unquestionable. It is worthy of enquiry, how far they extend to captured colonies. This may be also deterinined on broad principles, dependent on those already set forth. In such colonies as have formed no engagements, the arrangement depends on the option of the conquerors, regulated however by the eternal principles of justice. Ia those that have capitulated on the express condition of enjoying the priviliges of their conquerors, the case becomes one of right, not of choice: those who surrender on such terms are entitled to all the advantages and immunities of their fellow colonists. The analogical arguments in favour of this side of the question, may be found in the history of every state in Europe. Our own country furnishes some striking examples. The very essence of every political compact, is the reciprocity of advantage conferred and received by each part of the united body. It is therefore required only under ordinary circumstances, that each should govern and defend itself; when critical emergencies arise, all must concur in contributing succour, and each must contribute in the best and most efficient manner that its means permit. In Great Britain and Ireland, the manufacturing towns are the fruitful resources of the recruiting service; the sea-ports man our navy: yet it cannot be contended that these places alone defend the empire. The other parts do their duty by paying taxes, and promoting other objects of national importance, which indirectly conduce to the same point. The appli cation of this position is sufficiently ob VIOUS. It is worthy of recollection, that there is no political compact in which the different members contribute in the same way, or in the same proportion. This is very remarkable in the well-known in. stance of the States of Holland, where Goelderland, the first of the provinces in point of rank, paid 5 per cent. of the whole taxes, and Holland, the second, 58 per cent. This is certainly anoma lous; but it confirms the general position, that each part of the empire furnishes the state with means, in proportion to its ability. It will hereafter be shewn that the West Indies do more than their duty in this respect; which authorises them to expect and to enjoy protection in ordinary cases, and favour, when their interests are opposed to those of foreign ers. The political considerations which have been alluded to are so numerous, that it will be sufficient to mention a few of the most striking. The West India colonies |