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JEFFERSON DAVIS PERSONALLY.

the slave States. He proved himself a resolute defender of slavery, and became remarkable for his advocacy of State Rights as supremely sovereign to those of the Union. In 1851 he was nominated candidate for governor expressly as an exponent of these views, but was defeated by the "Union" candidate, Henry S. Foote, who, however, secured his election by the small majority only of nine hundred.

Having resigned his seat in the Senate, on accepting the nomination for governor, he, after his defeat, remained in retirement until the Presidential canvass of 1852, when he electioneered actively for Pierce, and was rewarded, on his accession to the Presidency, by the appointment of secretary of war. In this office Davis proved himself an executive officer of great capacity and energy. He infused a new spirit into the war department, and introduced various effective reforms and improvements. The adoption of the light infantry system of tactics, the manufacture of rifled muskets, pistols, and the Minnie ball, and the increase of our coast defences are among the changes he effected.

On the accession of Buchanan to the Presidency, Davis, being deprived of his secretaryship of war, was again elected by the Legislature of Mississippi to the Senate of the United States, and there he remained until the secession of his State, when he took his farewell in the remarkable speech already recorded.

Though Davis is a man of meagre frame and delicate organization, he is possessed of great energy and powers of

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endurance. His executive talents no one can question, and being ready of speech, some would claim for him the gift of eloquence. His military education and service, his experience as secretary of the war department of the United States, his familiarity with political intrigue, his dauntless spirit, and his natural capacity are what make Jefferson Davis so effective an ally and so formidable a foe.

On the 18th of February, 1861, Davis was inaugurated provisional President of the "Confederate States of America," when he delivered his inaugural.

INAUGURAL OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS :

"Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral and physical power will be better able to combat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning of our career as a confederacy may not be ob

structed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we have asserted, and which, with the blessing of Providence, we intend to maintain.

"The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills of rights of the States subsequently admitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably recognizes in the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States here represented proceeded to form this confederacy, and it is by the abuse of language that their act has been denominated revolution. They formed a new alliance, but within each State its government has remained. The rights of person and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they communicated with foreign nations is changed, but this does not necessarily interrupt their international relations. Sustained by the consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just obligations or any fail

"Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter and abolish governments whenever they become destructive to the ends for which they were established. The declared compact of the Union from which we have withdrawn was to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing this confederacy, it has been perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was estab-ure to perform every constitutional duty; lished, a peaceful appeal to the ballotbox declared that, so far as they were concerned, the government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of its exercise they as sovereigns were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial, enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct, and He who knows the hearts of men will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the government of our fathers in its spirit.

moved by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others; anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there can be no cause to doubt that the courage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measure of defence which soon their security may require.

"An agricultural people, whose chief

PRESIDENT DAVIS' INAUGURAL.

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interest is the export of a commodity if this be denied us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us with firm resolve to appeal to arms and invoke the blessing of Providence on a just cause.

required in every manufacturing coun-
try, our true policy is peace, and the
freest trade which our necessities will
permit. It is alike our interest and that
of all those to whom we would sell and
from whom we would buy, that there
should be the fewest practicable re-
strictions upon
the interchange of com-
modities. There can be but little riv-
alry between ours and any manufactur-
ing or navigating community, such as
the northeastern States of the American
Union. It must follow, therefore, that
mutual interest would invite good-will
and kind offices. If, however, passion
or lust of dominion should cloud the
judgment or inflame the ambition of
those States, we must prepare to meet
the emergency and maintain by the final
arbitrament of the sword the position
which we have assumed among the na-
tions of the earth.

"We have entered upon a career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued through many years of controversy with our late associates of the Northern States. We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquility and obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs and the perpetuity of the confederacy which we have formed.

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As a consequence of our new condition, and with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide a speedy and efficient organization of the branches of the Executive department having special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military affairs, and postal service. For purposes of defence the Confederate States may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly upon their militia; but it is deemed advisable, in the present condition of affairs, that there should be a well instructed, disciplined army, more numerous than would usually be required on a peace establishment. I also suggest that, for the protection of our harbors and commerce on the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have, doubtless, engaged the attention of Congress.

"With a constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far as it is explanatory of their well-known intent, freed from sectional conflicts, which have interfered with the pursuits of the general welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that the States from which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes to ours under the government which we have instituted. For this your constitution makes adequate provision, but beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment and will of the people But are, that union with the States from

just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled.

which they have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and promote the happiness of the confederacy, it is requisite there should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion would be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are engendered which must and should result in separation.

"Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own rights and to promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check, the cultivation of our fields progresses as heretofore, and even should we be involved in war, there would be no considerable diminution in the production of the staples which have constituted our exports, in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our This common interest of producer and consumer can only be intercepted by an exterior force which should obstruct its transmission to foreign markets, a course of conduct which would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad.

own.

"Should reason guide the action of the government from which we have separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized world, the Northern States included, could not be dictated by even a stronger desire to inflict injury upon us; but if it be otherwise, a terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear testimony

to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the mean time there will remain to us, besides the ordinary remedies before suggested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the commerce of an enemy.

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Experience in public stations of a subordinate grade to this which your kindness has conferred, has taught me that care and toil and disappointments are the price of official elevation. You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you shall not find in me either want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me the highest in hope and of most enduring affection. Your generosity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction, one which I neither sought nor desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duties required at my hands.

"We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system of our government. The Constitution formed by our fathers is that of these Confederate States. In their exposition of it, and in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of that instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope by due diligence in the performance of my duties, though I may disappoint your expectation, yet to retain, when retiring, something of

ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.

99

the good will and confidence which will didate for Congress,. and retired, apwelcome my entrance into office.

"It is joyous in the midst of perilous times to look around upon a people united in heart, when one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole-where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against honor, right, liberty, and equality. Obstacles may retard, but they cannot long prevent, the progress of a movement sanctioned by its justice and sustained by a virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which by His blessing they were able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to their posterity; and with a continuance of His favor ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look forward to success, to peace, to prosperity."

Alexander H. Stephens, the VicePresident of the new Confederacy, was born in Georgia on the 11th of February, 1812. His parents were too poor to educate him, but the youth showing an early quickness of parts, attracted the attention of some neighbors, who charitably sent him to school and college and supported him until he was able to make his own livelihood. Choosing the law for his profession, he was admitted to the bar in 1834, and rose rapidly to distinction. In 1843 he was elected by the Whigs a member of Congress, but on the dissolution of their party, he joined the Democrats, and became one of their most prominent leaders. In 1858 he refused to be any longer a can

parently forever, to private life. From early youth he had suffered from illness, and now, after the wearing effects of a stirring political career, he seemed incapable of further activity of effort. He was, however, roused by the secession movement in his State, and came forward to resist it. He voted against the secession ordinance passed by the convention of Georgia, and sustained the cause of the Union so manfully in a remarkable speech, that he was hailed by loyal men throughout the country as their great Southern champion. It was even rumored that President Lincoln had offered him a seat in his proposed cabinet. Stephens, however, did not long resist the prevailing sentiment of his State, but giving in his adherence to the secessionists, exhibited the usual zeal of sudden converts by surpassing the veteran apostles of secession in his defence of the doctrine.

Wasted to a shadow by a protracted disease, the Vice-President of the Confederacy weighs but ninety-six pounds. He yet seems, in spite of a feeble body, capable of great mental effort. Though his voice, in its shrill and piping tones, gives manifestation of the physical weakness of the invalid, he yet does not hesitate to exercise it in prolonged efforts of oratory, which not seldom rise to the power of true eloquence.

Eager, apparently, to vindicate himself from all suspicion of the sincerity of his conversion, to which his late loyalty to the Union may have exposed him, he has manifested an ultraism of opinion in

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