in this country, though with different feelings. The United States looks on with defiant vigilance, while the Southern Confederacy, in the hope of an English alliance, industriously strives to inflame British irritability to active hostility.

Difficulties soon arose in regard to the seizure of British vessels and the imprisonment of British subjects, followed by a disputatious correspondence between the British ambassador at Washington, Lord Lyons, and William H. Seward, the secretary of state of the United States; but nothing occurred beyond the power of diplomacy to solve till the seizure of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, the ambassadors of the Southern Confederacy, under the British flag, and in transitu between neutral ports-the history of which belongs to a more advanced part of this narrative-an event which threatened for a short time to bring about an open rupture.

France, though its emperor was reputed to be disposed to interfere in our civil quarrel, by a recognition of the Southern Confederacy, excited less inquietude in the United States than Great Britain. Under the French imperial dynasty, with its restrictions upon the press and legislature, there is necessarily less freedom of expression of opinion than in the constitutional monarchy of England, where all are free to write and speak what they think. There was accordingly in the former a more decorous reserve in regard to the merits of the question at issue, and consequently France, by apparently preserving a more

dignified neutrality, did less than Great Britain to arouse unkindly feeling in the United States. French writers, as their country's material interests were not so much endangered, were able to discuss the question according to the abstract principles of liberty and right, while the English, less disinterested, treated it in reference to its practical bearings upon a suffering trade and commerce.

The visit of the cousin of the Emperor of France, Prince Jerome Napoleon, and his advocacy of the Northern cause, served to beget a friendly feeling at the North towards France, which was strengthened by the accession of the two young French princes to the ranks of our army-the Comte de Paris and the Duc de Chartres-who, though of the Orleans dynasty, and exiles, were yet welcomed in America as countrymen of the gallant Lafayette.

The Emperor of Russia manifested his regard for the United States by counselling reconciliation. His prime minister expressed the opinion of his imperial master in a letter addressed to M. Ed. de Stoeckl, Russian minister at Washington, with instructions to read it to the President.

"ST. PETERSBURGH, July 10. "M. DE STOECKL, ETC., ETC.- -Sir: From the beginning of the conflict which divides the United States of Amer

ica, you have been desired to make known to the Federal Government the deep interest with which our august master was observing the development of a crisis which puts in question the prosperity and even the existence of the

Union. The Emperor profoundly regrets to see that the

hope of a peaceful solution is not realized, and that Amer

ican citizens already in arms are ready to let loose upon

the country the most formidable of the scourges of polit

A circular by the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, requesting the Governors of the several States to draw the attention of the legislative authorities to the necessity of providing sea and lake coast fortifications, created some inquietude,

ical society-a civil war. For the more than eighty years that it has existed, the American Union owes its independence, its towering rise, and its progress to the concord of its members, consecrated, under the auspices of its illustrious founder, by institutions which have been able to reconcile the Union with liberty. This Union has been faithful. It has exhibited to the world the spectacle of a prosperity without example in the annals of history. It would be deplorable that, after so conclusive an experience, the United States should be hurried into a breach of the solemn compact which, up to this time, has made their power. In spite of the diversity of their constitutions and of their interests, and perhaps even because of this diversity, Providence seems to urge them to draw closer the traditional cord which is the basis of the very condition of their political existence. In any event, the sacrifices which they might impose upon themselves to maintain it are beyond comparison with those which dissolution would bring after it. United they perfect themselves, isolated they are paralyzed.

"The struggle which unhappily has just arisen can neither be indefinitely prolonged, nor lead to the total destruction of one of the parties. Sooner or later it will be necessary to come to some settlement, whatsoever it may be, which may cause the divergent interests now actually in conflict to co-exist. The American nation would then give a proof of high political wisdom in seeking in common such a settlement before a useless effusion of blood, a barren squandering of strength and public riches, and acts of violence and reciprocal reprisals shall have come to deepen an abyss between the two parties of the confederation, to end, definitely, in their mutual exhaustion, and in the ruin, perhaps irreparable, of their commercial and political power. Our august master can not resign himself to admit such deplorable anticipations.

"His Imperial Majesty still places his confidence in that practical good sense of the citizens of the Union who appreciate so judiciously their true interests. His Majesty is happy to believe that the members of the Federal Government and the influential men of the two parties will

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as if indicating the danger of Europe interfering in behalf of the seceded States. This circular, however, having been carefully bruited abroad, was believed to be intended rather as a warning to foreign nations than as advice for ourselves.

seize all occasions, and will unite all their efforts to calm the effervescence of the passions. There are no interests so divergent that it may not be possible to reconcile them by laboring to that end with zeal and perseverance, in a spirit of justice and moderation.

"If, within the limits of your friendly relations, your language and your counsels may contribute to this result, you will respond, sir, to the intentions of His Majesty, the Emperor, in devoting to this the personal influence which you may have been able to acquire during your long residence at Washington, and the consideration which belongs to your character as the representative of a sovereign animated by the most friendly sentiments towards the American Union. This Union is not simply, in our eyes, an element essential to the universal political equilibrium; it constitutes besides a nation to which our august master and all Russia have pledged the most friendly interest; for the two countries, placed at the extremities of the two worlds, both in the ascending period of their development, appear called to a natural community of interests and of sympathies, of which they have already given mutual proofs to each other. I do not wish here to approach any of the questions which divide the United States. We are not called upon to express ourselves in this contest. The preceding considerations have no other object than to attest the lively solicitude of the Emperor in the presence of the dangers which menace the American Union, and the sincere wishes which His Majesty entertains for the maintenance of that great work, so laboriously raised, and which appeared so rich in its future.

"It is in this sense, sir, that I desire you to express yourself, as well to the members of the general Government as to the influential persons whom you may meet, giving them the assurance that in every event the American nation may count upon our most cordial sympathy on the part of our august master during the important crisis which it is passing through at present.

"Receive, sir, the expression of my very deep consideration. GORTSCHAKOFF."

SUCH was the patriotic alacrity with which the North had already, in 1861. the months of May and June, responded to the call of the President, that over 200,000 militia and volunteers had been enrolled, and many of them engaged in active service. The enemy had been no less energetic, with the advantage of earlier preparation. By the middle of July, Washington was pronounced safe, the Virginian shore of the Potomac occupied, Maryland tranquillized, and the communications through it with the loyal States restored; a considerable force was marching to Harper's Ferry to operate in the valley of the Shenandoah, and McClellan had completed his triumphant campaign in Western Virginia.

The force in and about Washington was variously conjectured to amount to from 40,000 to 60,000 men, but it was difficult to form a precise estimate. So precipitately had the troops, inspirited by the eager patriotism of the country, poured in, and so hastily had they been enrolled, that many of the inexperienced

officers, perplexed by duties of which they were ignorant, had either not ascertained or failed to make returns of the number of their men. The Secretary of War, in common with other officials, overwhelmed by the suddenly increased magnitude of his labors, was incapable for the moment of evolving order out of the general confusion. He was therefore left to conjecture, in regard to the armed multitude which had rushed to the rescue of the endangered government. The Commander-in-chief, it is believed, was unable, at that time, to compute with any degree of accuracy even the numerical force under his command, and with much less certainty its efficacy as a military power. While none could witness without patriotic pride the spirit and the excellence of material of the immense throng of citizens mustered to defend with their lives the national existence, no careful observer could behold the undisciplined mass without anxious inquietude.

The country, however, indignant at those who, after having destroyed the

relinquished rank in the line. On March 31st, 1856, he was still adjutant-general, with promotion, however, to the rank of major. In May, 1861, he was elevated to the high rank of brigadier-general, and appointed to the command of the Federal line on the Potomac.

All who are brought in contact with General McDowell are greatly impressed with his soldierly bearing, his frank and courteous manners, and his apparent force of character, though softened in expression by his gentle and modest mien. "He is a man," said the London Times correspondent, "in the prime of life, some forty and odd years of age, very powerfully built, with a kindly, honest, soldierly expression in face and man

ners."

A French writer in the Opinion Nationale, of Paris, reported to be no less a personage than Prince Napoleon himself, though probably one of his suite, who accompanied him on his visit to the United States, says:

"General McDowell commands all the troops on the right bank of the Potomac. He is a man of forty-two years, tall and large. His face is not particularly fine, but it is remarkably open and sympathetic, through its air of frankness and kindness.

"If McClellan resembles one of our engineer officers, McDowell resembles one of our infantry officers. Did I not dread reducing to puerile shades the search for resemblances and assimilations, I should say that McDowell has the type of a chief of battalion of foot chasseurs. His conversation, his char

acter, and his principles are still superior to his appearance, favorable as that is. He is one of the honestest, truest, simplest men that you can meet. He sustained a terrible check at Bull Run, and he speaks of it without bitterness, without recrimination, with an accent of sincerity and an elevation of sentiment that do him the greatest honor. Deprived of the supreme command in consequence of that reverse, he has seen McClellan, his fellow-student at West Point, younger than himself by several years, inherit his honors, his position, and his growing popularity. He has taken, without complaint and without murmur, an inferior place under him whose mission it is to repair the misfortune attached to his name. Well, no one doubts that McDowell will be the most submissive, most devoted of McClellan's lieutenants. McDowell has, besides, a reputation in the army of being a sort of stoic philosopher, a reputation sought after and more or less deserved by a certain number of West Point pupils. He drinks neither wine, tea, nor coffee, does not smoke, and has habits of sobriety and self-denial quite in keeping with his Puritan principles."

In addition to the army under the immediate command of General McDowell, soon to advance against the enemy in Virginia, there was a considerable force under General Patterson, who, as has already been seen, was in pursuit of the enemy under General Johnston, in the northeastern part of Virginia, near Winchester. General Scott relied upon Patterson to beat, or so keep