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he both engaged himself beyond what was requisite, and by calling in the money he lent his Confederates and Allyes, did often disoblige them when he had most need of their friendship. Yet thus he was the most active Prince of his time. The examples whereof are so frequent in his History, that there was no Treaty, or almost Conventicle in Christendom, wherein he had not his particular Agent and interest; which, together with his intelligence in all Countries, and concerning all affairs, and the pensions given for that purpose, was one of his vast ways for spending of money.

Again, I observe, that there never was Prince more delighted in Interviews, or (generally) came off better from them. To which also, as his goodly personage and excellent qualities did much dispose him, so they gave him a particular advantage and lustre. Howbeit, as these Voyages were extreme costly, so when he made use thereof to conclude a Treaty, it did not alwayes succeed; especially where credit was yeelded to any single and private word. Insomuch, that at his last being with Francis (where he intended, upon his bare promise, lier la partie for the most important Affairs of Christendom) he found himself so much frustrated and deceived.

At home it was his manner to treat much with his Parliaments; where, if gentle means served not, he came to some degrees of the rough: though more sparingly, that he knew his people did but too much fear him. Besides, he understood well, that fowl wayes are not always passable, nor to be used (especially in suspected and dangerous times) but where others fail. However, it may be noted, That none of his Predecessours understood the temper of Parliaments better then himself, or that prevailed himself more dexteriously of them. Therefore, without being much troubled at the tumultuous beginnings of the rasher sort, he would give them that leave, which all new things must have, to settle. Which being done, his next care was to discover and prevent those privie combinations that were not for his service. After which, coming to the point of Contribution, he generally took strict order, (by his Commissioners) that Gentlemen in the Country should not spare each other; but that the true or (at least) neer approaching value of every mans Goods and Lands should be certified. And this hee did the rather, because hee knew the custome of his people was to reckon with him about their Subsidies, and indeed, rather to number, then to weigh their Gifts.

As for his faults, I finde that of opiniate and wilfull much objected: Insomuch, that the impressions privately given him

by any Court-whisperer, were hardly or never to be effaced. And herein the persons neer him had a singular ability; while beginning with the commendations of those they would disgrace, their manner was to insinuate such exceptions, as they would discommend a man more in few words, then commend him in many: Doing therein like cunning wrestlers, who to throw one down, first take him up. Besides, this wilfulnesse had a most dangerous quality annexed to it (especially towards his later end) being an intense jealousie almost of all persons and affairs, which disposed him easily to think the worst. Whereas it is a greater part of wisdom to prevent, then to suspect. These conditions again being armed with power, produced such terrible effects, as stiled him both at home and abroad by the name of Cruell; which also hardly can be avoyded; especially, if that Attribute be due, not onely to those Princes who inflict capital punishments frequently, and for small crimes, but to those who pardon not all that are capable of mercy. And for testimonies in this kinde, some urge two Queens, one Cardinal (in procinctu, at least) or two, (for Poole was condemned, though absent); Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, and Earls Sons, twelve; Barons and Knights, eighteen ; Abbots, Priors, Monks and Priests, seventy seven; of the more common sort, between one Religion and another, huge multitudes. Hee gave some proofs yet that he could forgive; though, as they were few and late, they served not to recover him the name of a Clement Prince. As for Covetousnesse, or Rapine, another main fault observed by Sanders, as extending not onely to a promiscuous overthrow of Religious Houses, but a notable derogation of Title of Supreme Head of the Church in his Dominions: (and the rather, that he still retained the substance of the Roman Catholick Religion) nothing, that I know, can on those terms palliate it, unlesse it might be collected, that the Religious Orders in his Kingdom would have assisted those who threatened Invasion from abroad, and that hee had no other extraordinary means than their Revenues then left to defend himself. For certainly, the publick pretext, taken from their excessive numbers in proportion to a wellcomposed State, or the inordinate and vitious life of the general sort, cannot sufficiently excuse him; since, together with the supernumerary and debauched Abbeys, Priories and Nunneries, he subverted and extinguished the good and opportune; without leaving any Receptacle for such as through age or infirmity being unapt for secular businesse, would end their dayes in a devout and a retired life. Nevertheless, as he

erected divers new Bishopricks, increased the number of Colledges, and the stipend of Readers in the Universities, and did many other pious works, it is probable he intended some reparation. Though (as the Roman Catholick party conceives it) they were neither satisfactory for, nor equivalent to the desolations and ruines hee procured, when yet he should pretend that the Revenues and number of the Gentry and Soldatesque of the Kingdome were augmented thereby. Howbeit, as in this act of overthrowing Monasteries, his parliaments were deeply engaged, it will be dangerous to question the authority thereof, since things done by publick Vote, where they finde not reason, make it; neither have many Laws other ground then the constitution of the times; which yet afterwards changing, leave their interpretation doubtfull: Insomuch, that posterity might justly abrogate them when the causes thereof ceased, had they the power to do it. For which regard also I shall not interpose my opinion otherwise, then that this King had met with no occasion to do that which hath caused so much scandal to him and his Parliaments.

But whereas Sanders hath remarked Covetousnesse as a great vice in this King, I could wish it had been with more limitation, and so as he noted the other extreme (being Prodigality) for the greater fault: The examples of both being so pregnant in the King's Father and himself. The first, by an exact inquiry into the corruptions and abuses of his Officers and Subjects, and the prevailing himself thereof to bring all into good order; and the getting of money together, whether by ordinary or extraordinary means (onely when they were not manifestly unjust) and lastly, by frugality, acquiring to himself the name of prudent at home, and puissant abroad; as being known to have in his coffers always as much as would pay an Army Royall. Whereas this King, so often exhausting his Treasury, that he was constrained at last to have recourse to unusual and grievous ways for relieving his wants, did not onely disaffect his Subjects in great part (as appeared in the Rebellion of the Northern men and others, though to their confusion) but exposed his Kingdom to the Invasion of his Neighbours who knowing (as all Princes do) to about how much their Revenues amount, and that there remained no longer any ready way to improve them, did collect thence what forces he could furnish; and consequently, would have assayled him at home, but that mutuall divisions did hinder them. Whereby it appears, that what in Henry VII is call'd by some Covetousnesse, was a royall Vertue: whereas the excessive and

needlesse expences of Henry VIII drew after them those miserable consequences which the World hath so much reproached. Howbeit, there may be occasion to doubt, whether the immense Treasure which Henry the VII left behinde him, were not (accidentally) the cause of those ils that followed: while the young Prince his Son, finding such a mass of money, did first carelesly spend, and after strive to supply as he could.

As for the third vice, wherewith he was justly charged, being Lust and Wantonness; there is little to answer, more then that it was rather a personall fault, than damageable to the Publick: Howbeit, they who reprove it, ought not onely to examine circumstances (which much aggravate or extenuate the fact) but even the complexions of men. That concupiscence which in some is a vice, being in others a disease of Repletion, in others a necessity of nature. It doth not yet appear that this fault did hasten the death of his Queens; he being noted more for practising of private pleasures, then secret mischiefs; so that if any undue motive did cooperate herein, it may be thought an inordinate desire to have Posterity (especially masculine) which might be the undoubted Heirs of him and the Kingdom, rather than any thing else.

With all his crimes yet, he was one of the most glorious Princes of his time: Insomuch, that not onely the chief Potentates of Christendome did court him, but his Subjects in generall did highly reverence him, as the many tryals he put them to, sufficiently testifie: which yet expired so quickly, that it may be truly said, All his Pomp died with him; his Memory being now exposed to obloquy, as his Accusers will neither admit Reason of State to cover any where, or Necessity to excuse his Actions. For, as they were either discontented Clergy-men (for his relinquishing the Papall Authority, and overthrowing the Monasteries); or offended Women (for divers severe examples against their sex) that first oppos'd and cry'd him down, the clamour hath been the greater: So that although one William Thomas a Clerk to the Councel to Edward the Sixth, and living about the latter times of Henry the Eighth's Reign, did in great part defend him in an Italian Book, printed Anno 1552, it hath not availed.

But what this Prince was, and whether, and how far forth excusable in point of State, Conscience or Honour, a diligent observation of his Actions, together with a conjuncture of the times, will (I conceive) better declare to the judicious Reader, then any factious relation on what side whatsoever, conclude; I wish I could leave him in his grave.

The Life and Reign Of King Henry the Eighth.

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LIBERTY, or FREDOME, signifieth (properly) the absence of Opposition; (by Opposition, I mean externall Impediments of motion;) and may be applyed no lesse to Irrationall, and Inanimate creatures, than to Rationall. For whatsoever is so tyed, or environed, as it cannot move, but within a certain space, which space is determined by the opposition of some externall body, we say it hath not Liberty to go further. And so of all living creatures, whilest they are imprisoned, or restrained, with walls, or chayns; and of the water whilest it is kept in by banks, or vessels, that otherwise should spread it selfe into a larger space, we use to say, they are not at Liberty, to move in such manner, as without those externall impediments they would. But when the impediment of motion, is in the constitution of the thing it selfe, we use not to say, it wants the Liberty; but the Power to move; as when a stone lyeth still, or a man is fastned to his bed by sicknesse.

And according to this proper, and generally received meaning of the word, A FREE-MAN, is he, that in those things, which by his strength and wit is able to do, is not hindred to doe what he has a will to. But when the words Free, and Liberty, are applyed to any thing but Bodies, they are abused; for that which is not subject to Motion, is not subject to Impediment : And therefore, when 'tis said (for example) The Way is Free, no Liberty of the way is signified, but those that walk in it without stop. And when we say a Guift is Free, there is not meant any Liberty of the Guift, but of the Giver, that was not bound by any law, or Covenant to give it. So when we speak Freely, it is not the Liberty of voice, or pronunciation, but of the man, whom no law hath obliged to speak otherwise thẹn he did. Lastly,

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