great pilót who weathered the storm, never made a greater yaw (to use a nautical phrase) than he had done on that occasion; for it afterwards exposed this country to the necessity of sending the duke of York, with a mere corporal's guard, to the continent, to protect England from insult. He would rather at once cut away the dead weight, of which he formed himself a distinguished part, than diminish in these times one single effective man of the army or navy.

Sir Ronald Fergusson said, that there was no branch of our force which it was so necessary to keep up as the Artillery. It was very expensive to raise such a corps, and, therefore, it ought to be kept efficient. The British Artillery was one of the best arms of the country.

that the military should be obtruded upon the people in places where they had not been accustomed. It was from such small beginnings that the citizens of free countries had become accustomed to military domination. Though he knew what would be the fate of any motion of his, yet he would make one more effort to remove the military from the heart of the metropolis, where they had the chance of overawing those with whom the free counsels of the nation ought to abide. The gentlemen on the other side stated it as a merit in the government, that they had only barracks for 76,000 men. What would those who went before us have said to this? Did the hon. gentleman who stated that, know what the amount of force was which controlled the counsels of the nation, at a time when the spirit of

at present? Did he know, that with 30,000 men, in the time of the usurper, England, Scotland, and Ireland, were governed?

Mr. Hume said, that his object was, to show that the Artillery had been aug-freedom was at least as strong abroad as mented merely because the infantry had been augmented; and for this augmentation no good reason whatever had been given. If ministers would go on at this extravagant rate, and the House would allow them, he could only say, let them do it in God's name, for he could not prevent them.

Mr. Secretary Peel said, that the hon. member's objection divided itself into two heads-the architectural and the constitutional objection. On the first point, he Mr. Hobhouse regretted to find that it could not conceive what offence it was was intended to retain a battalion of the against good taste, that human beings guards in the Mews at Charing-cross. It should be put in a place where horses had would be much more becoming, constitu- hitherto been kept. Neither could he tional, and seemly to the eyes of English-tell on what the constitutional objection men, if the present opportunity of local improvement on the spot, carrying on under the eyes of sir Charles Long, the Vitruvius of the present day, were taken, to get rid of this infringement of a longestablished constitutional principle. It was highly improper to keep a large body of troops close to the houses of parliament, close to the king's palace, close to the courts of law. It might be said, this four or five hundred men could not overawe Westminster. But it was fitting that the military should be removed out of sight; and especially as there was an abundance of barracks in which they might be stationed. Such was the feeling of some of his constituents; and, in compliance with that feeling, he had waited on the duke of York, who received him as his royal highness received every body, but who had told him that it was determined on that the troops should be kept there. God forbid that he should object to men in a red coat. He had as much respect for soldiers as any man, in their proper places; but it was not a fit thing VOL. XIV.

was founded. He should be prepared to contend, when the hon. member brought the subject forward, that it was the more constitutional course to lodge the men in barracks than to quarter them on the citizens. At least in the time of Charles 1st the cry was, that "the soldiers should not sojourn with the free citizens of the country against their will." As to the usage, the hon. member should recollect, that from 1754 to 1776, it was the practice to keep a battalion of guards at the Savoy, and when the Savoy was burned in 1776, the buildings in Somerset-house were appropriated for the same number of troops, from that period to 1789. As a general proposition too, he should be prepared to show, that it was more conducive to the efficiency of the troops, to lodge them in barracks, than to quarter them on the publicans, where they necessarily mingled with characters of the worst description. What the effect of quartering on the publicans was, he would show by a single instance; at that moment there were soldiers quartered at 4 D

Chalk Farm, and yet it was required of
them that they should attend their duty
in the Bird-Cage Walk clean and neat in
their appearance.
There were others
quartered in Mary-le-bone, and at Cam-
den Town; and what advantage the
country could derive from such quarter-
ing in public-houses, he thought it would
be a difficult task for the hon. member to
make out. But what he objected to was,
not so much the inconvenience of the
distance, as the ill effect of exposing
soldiers in private quarters to the danger
of being mixed up with the worst mem-
bers of society-a danger from which
they would, in a great degree, be exempted
in barracks.

Colonel Davies thought there could be no question as to the preferableness of keeping the soldiers in barracks, instead of suffering them to live in public-houses, associating with the most dissolute of the populace.

Colonel Johnson agreed, that troops were much easier kept in subordination in barracks, than if quartered in publichouses; but the situation of the new barracks was what his hon. friend was opposed to. They would stand in the heart of Westminster, than which he could conceive nothing more objectionable.

Mr. Hobhouse said, that if he was in error as to his constitutional law, he erred with very respectable authority. Blackstone had written in strong terms against the practice of separating the soldiers from the people. It was said that they were thereby better subjected to military discipline. But he would rather that they should be a little worse soldiers, than be cut off from all community of feeling with the people.

"That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for ameliorating the condition of the slave population in his majesty's colonies:

"That, through a determined and persevering, but at the same time judicious and temperate, enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's subjects:

"That this House is anxious for the accomplishment of this purpose, at the earliest period that shall be compatible with the well-being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private property."

Earl Bathurst then rose. The noble earl began by observing, that he was happy to say it would not be necessary for him to trouble their lordships at much length, to induce them to agree to the motion with which he meant to conclude. The resolutions of the House of Com mons which had just been read had been made the foundation of certain instructions for improving the situation of the slave population in the West-India colonies. Their lordships would recol lect that, more than two years ago, he had had the honour of calling their lordships' attention to those instructions which, in point of fact, had been embodied in the shape of orders in council, and sent out to the colonies. In those orders in council provision was made for the execution of all those measures which his majesty's government thought necessary for carrying into effect the plan of improvement founded on the resolutions of the House of Commons. He had great satisfaction in saying, that the measures thus adopted The several resolutions were agreed to. by government had experienced no objec

General Townsend said, that if the House wished to have the soldiers in good order, they must be kept in barracks. In his own regiment it frequently happened, that men were quartered out for want of room; but they generally complained of being billeted among the blackguards with whom they were obliged to mix in the public-houses. The army would soon run to confusion and disorder if the barrack system were abolished.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

tion from any quarter in this country, but, on the contrary, had met with general approbation. In consequence of this general approbation, he had felt the more ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.] On the confidence in urging the measures on the

Tuesday, March 7.

admit the propriety, in most respects, of the language of the resolutions in question, which had unanimously passed the other House of parliament, and that he should be exceedingly happy if he could conscientiously abstain from making the slightest objection to them. Although he did not mean to offer any opposition to the pro

ment which the noble earl had described, a painful sense of duty compelled him to throw out some remarks on the resolution in which their lordships were now called upon to concur. It was a subject of sincere congratulation to himself, that he could say, that if the colonial legislatures had manifested a spirit of almost unexampled and unaccountable resistance to the measures proposed for their adoption by his majesty's government, that spirit could not possibly have been excited by the tone and manner in which those measures had been recommended to them by the noble earl. The conduct of the noble earl throughout the whole business had been highly honourable to him. He could not easily forget a circumstance which occurred two years ago, when the noble earl was communicating to that House the measures which his majesty's government were at that time pursuing with respect to the West Indies. When the noble earl came to that part of his statement which related to the intention of his majesty's government to take means for communicating to the negroes of the

regretted to say, that a great deal had been left undone-he would now state what was proposed by his majesty's government. The resolution of the House of Commons embraced two objects-the first was the improvement of the condition of the slaves; and the other, that facility for the manumission of the slaves which would gradually lead to the total extinc-posed measures of his majesty's governtion of slavery, without any injury to the interests of the proprietors. The modes by which it was proposed to improve the condition of the slave were, the providing increased facilities for religious instruction-giving greater security to the possession of property-the prevention of the separation of families by sale or other wise the admission of slave evidence in criminal cases the giving an additional day for the cultivation of their grounds, by which they might be enabled to keep a more strict observance of the Sabbath the abolition of the punishment of females by the whip, and the disuse of the whip as a badge of authority in the hands of drivers, or as a stimulus to labour. And for the second object; namely, the gradual extinction of slavery, it was proposed to establish a regulation, by which, when the slave possessed sufficient property, he might claim his manumission by having his value declared by appraisement, without requiring the consent of his master. Instructions containing these points had been sent to the different governors of the several West-India colonies, by whom they would be proposed for the consider-West-India islands that best of all beneation of their legislative assemblies, and fits, the advantages of religious instruc the government would soon be in posses- tion, his voice faltered with emotion. sion of their opinions upon them. From The pause in his words, as the noble earl the earnest manner in which the subject proceeded to describe the mutually benehad been recommended to their attention, ficial effect which would be produced on he did hope that it would have a success- master and on slave, by assembling in ful result. But should it prove otherwise, acts of religious worship, before their it would then be for their lordships to common and omniscient God, did more consider what course it would be expe- to secure the cordial and hearty assent of dient to adopt, to carry the measures into their lordships to the noble earl's proeffect. The circumstances under which positions, than could have been effected these resolutions were now proposed to by the most powerful exercise of elotheir lordships were, he thought, favour- quence. It would be a great injustice to able for their object. It would appear the noble earl if he were not to add, that that they were not adopted in the heat of the same kind and benevolent spirit chathe moment, or as the effect of eloquent racterized all the official orders which he appeals made to their feelings, on the had sent to the colonies, on the subject subject of slavery, but as the result of at present under consideration. The retheir lordships' most mature deliberations.sistance made by the colonial legislatures The noble lord concluded by moving, that the resolutions of the House of Commons be adopted by their lordships.

Lord Calthorpe said, he was ready to

to recommendations in such a spirit was certainly calculated to excite a fear that all expectations of their sincere concurrence were hopeless. But that was not the chief

object for which he had risen. He would | a whole, and the opinions of those who now state what that object was. He rose supported it, might be fairly stated to be for the purpose of expressing his opinion, that slavery being repugnant to the that, considering the great importance of genius of the British constitution, and to this subject-considering the general the spirit of Christianity, ought to be feeling which existed in every part of the gradually abolished, due regard being country respecting it, and the very little had to the interests of the masters, and to effect which had been produced by the the condition of the slaves themselves. adoption of these resolutions by the other None of the abolitionists that he had House, it was not a practical mode of heard of were disposed to rush in a fanaattaining the proposed object, to use the tical manner to abolition, as a matter cold language with which one of those re- which could or ought to be accomplished solutions commenced. He would have in a moment. Taking this as the fair preferred the resolution which had been view which the abolitionists took of it, first proposed in the Commons, and su- and considering the necessity of expressperseded by those now before their ing their opinions in forcible language, lordships. In that resolution it was he thought their lordships would be acting declared, that a state of slavery was more for their own character, and more in repugnant to the British constitution, accordance with the great importance of and to the spirit of the Christian religion, the subject, if they were to adopt a He would admit with the noble earl, that higher principle on this occasion than the sanction of slavery was not absolutely that involved in the cold one of expediincompatible with the Christian religion; ency.-The noble earl had complained of but though it was not forbidden by that some of the petitions presented to their religion, still he would contend, that it lordships on this subject. He would was opposed to the spirit and genius of admit, that some of the petitioners had that religion, and he could not conceive used language, which, ignorant of that any country bound by that religion, metaphysical distinctions, they did not and acting on its admirable precepts, and believe improper for the expression of particularly under such a happy consti- their opinions; yet he would assert, that tution as our own, could continue long the principles for which they contended without an earnest endeavour to get rid were fair, and that the other House of of such a pestilence. The resolution to Parliament had shrunk too cautiously which he alluded went directly to that from their adoption. But there were peobject; and though he could not dispute titions presented to their lordships-he the abstract truth of the noble earl's propo- alluded principally to that from Birmingsition, still he, for one, must wish that the ham-which had been adopted after due present resolutions had been so altered as consideration, and by men not in the to embrace a little more of the spirit of habit of coming to hasty decisions on any that which had been proposed and rejected subject. In that petition it was declared, in the other House. The intentions of those that a state of slavery was repugnant to who adopted the general tenor of that the genius and spirit of Christianity. The resolution, were, he thought, not fairly petitioners did not mean to say by that, explained by those who took a different that the legislature was to rush on blindly view of the subject. He was at a loss to to the immediate abolition of slavery, but conceive how it could be considered, that in assigning to the Christian religion they who declared a state of slavery to be love of liberty and a hatred of oppression, repugnant to the British constitution and and drawing from thence the conclusion to the spirit of Christianity, must, as a that its spirit must be opposed to a state matter of course, be disposed to put aside of slavery, they at the same time were not every consideration of expediency, and disposed to strip it of that regard to the all reference to the interests of the colo- rights of others, which as much belonged nists, and rush at once to the attainment to it as did the love of liberty, or the of abolition that, having such an opinion hatred of oppression. But it was not of slavery in the abstract, they were not from the manufacturing classes alone that willing to allow its continuance one hour such petitions had come. There were after their resolution was declared. Such others of a similar nature, from a high was not a fair interpretation of the views and most respectable body-he meant the of those who concurred in the resolution. clergy of the country-who it would not The meaning of that resolution, taken as be said were in the habit of deciding