2d. Every foreign vessel which, in the course of her voyage, shall have entered an English port, shall not enter France, except in case of distress: she shall depart thence as soon as the causes of her entry shall have ceased."

This decree was immediately and unanimously adopted.

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS. MARCH 19, 1798.

THE despatches from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the French Republick, which were mentioned in my message to both houses of Congress of the fifth instant, have been examined and maturely considered.

While I feel a satisfaction in informing you, that their exertions for the adjustment of the differences between the two nations, have been sincere and unremitted, it is incumbent on me to declare, that I perceive no ground of expectation, that the objects of their mission can be accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, honour, or the essential interests of the nation.

This result cannot, with justice, be attributed to any want of moderation on the part of this government, or to any indisposition to forego secondary interests, for the preservation of peace. Knowing it to be my duty, and believing it to be your wish, as well as that of the great body of the people, to avoid, by all reasonable concessions, any participation in the contentions of Europe, the powers vested in our envoys were commensurate with a liberal and pacifick policy, and that high confidence which might justly be reposed in the abilities, patriotism, and integrity of the characters to whom the negotiation was committed. After a careful review of the whole subject, with the aid of all the information I have received, I can discern nothing which could have ensured, or contributed to success, that has been omitted on my part, and nothing

further which can be attempted, consistently with maxims for which our country has contended, at every hazard, and which constitute the basis of our national sovereignty.

Under these circumstances, I cannot forbear to reiterate the recommendations which have been formerly made, and to exhort you to adopt, with promptitude, decision and unanimity, such measures as the ample resources of the country afford, for the protection of our seafaring and commercial citizens; for the defence of any exposed por-. tions of our territory; for replenishing our arsenals, establishing foundries and military manufactories; and to provide such efficient revenue, as will be necessary to defray extraordinary expenses, and supply the deficiencies which may be occasioned by depredations on our commerce.

The present state of things is so essentially different from that in which instructions were given to collectors to restrain vessels of the United States from sailing in an armed condition, that the principle on which those orders were issued, has ceased to exist: I therefore deem it proper to inform Congress, that I no longer conceive myself justifiable in continuing them, unless in particular cases, where there may be reasonable ground of suspicion that such vessels are intended to be employed contrary to law.

In all your proceedings, it will be important to manifest a zeal, vigour and concert, in defence of the national rights, proportioned to the danger with which they are threatened.

JOHN ADAMS.

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS. APRIL 3, 1798.

In compliance with the request of the House of Representatives, expressed in their resolution of the 2d of this month, I transmit to both Houses, those instructions to, and despatches from, the envoys extraordinary of the

United States to the French Republick, which were men. tioned in my message of the 19th of March last, omit ting only some names, and a few expressions descriptive of the persons.

I request that they may be considered in confidence, until the members of Congress are fully possessed of their contents, and shall have had opportunity to deliberate on the consequences of their publication; after which time I submit them to your wisdom.

JOHN ADAMS.

Instructions to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, Esquires, Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary, from the United States of America to the French Republick.

GENTLEMEN,-It is known to you, that the people of the United States of America entertained a warm and sincere affection for the people of France, ever since their arms were united in the war with Great Britain, which ended in the full and formal acknowledgment of the independence of these states. It is known to you, that this affection was ardent, when the French determined to reform their government and establish it on the basis of liberty; that liberty in which the people of the United States were born, and which in the conclusion of the war above mentioned was finally and firmly secured. It is known to you, that this affection rose to enthusiasm, when the war was kindled between France and the powers of Europe, which were combined against her for the avowed purpose of restoring the monarchy; and every where vows were heard for the success of the French arms. Yet during this period France expressed no wish that the United States should depart from their neutrality. And while no duty required us to enter into the war, and our best interests urged us to remain at peace, the government determined to take a neutral station: which being taken, the duties of an impartial neutrality became indispensably binding. Hence the government early proclaimed to our citizens the nature of those duties and the consequences of their violation.

The minister of France, Mr. Genet, who arrived about this time, by his publick declarations, confirmed the idea;

that France did not desire us to quit the ground we had taken. His measures, however, were calculated to destroy our neutrality and to draw us into the war.

The principles of the proclamation of neutrality, founded on the law of nations, which is the law of the land, were afterwards recognised by the national legislature, and the observance of them enforced by specifick penalties, in the act of Congress passed the 5th of June, 1794. By these principles and laws the acts of the Executive and the decisions of the courts of the United States were regulated.

A government thus fair and upright in its principles and just and impartial in its conduct, might have confidently hoped to be secure against formal official censure: but the United States have not been so fortunate. The acts of their government, in its various branches, though pure in principle and impartial in operation, and conformable to their indispensable rights of sovereignty, have been assigned as the cause of the offensive and injurious measures of the French Republick. For proofs of the former, all the acts of the government may be vouched; while the aspersions so freely uttered by the French ministers, the refusal to hear the minister of the United States specially charged to enter on amicable discussions on all the topicks of complaint, the decrees of the executive directory and of their agents, the depredations on our commerce and the violences against the persons of our citizens, are evidences of the latter. These injuries and depredations will constitute an important subject of your discussions with the government of the French Republick; and for all these wrongs you will

seek redress.

In respect to the depredations on our commerce, the principal objects will be, to agree on an equitable mode of examining and deciding the claims of our citizens, and the manner and periods of making them compensation. As to the first, the 7th article of the British and the 21st of the Spanish treaty present approved precedents to be adopted with France. The proposed mode of adjusting those claims, by commissioners appointed on each side, is so perfectly fair, we cannot imagine that it will be refused. But when the claims are adjusted, if payment in specie cannot be obtained, it may be found necessary to

agree, in behalf of our citizens, that they shall accept publick securities, payable with interest at such periods as the state of the French finances shall render practicable. These periods you will endeavour as far as possible to shorten.

Not only the recent depredations, under colour of the decrees of the directory of the second of July, 1796, and the second of March, 1797, or under the decrees of their agents, or the illegal sentences of their tribunals, but all prior ones, not already satisfactorily adjusted, should be put in this equitable train of settlement. To cancel many or all of the last mentioned claims, might be the effect of the decree of the executive directory of the 2d of March last, reviving the decree of the 9th of May, 1793: but this being an ex post facto regulation, as well as a violation of the treaty between the United States and France, cannot be obligatory on the former. Indeed the greater part, probably nearly all the captures and confiscations in question, have been committed in direct violation of that treaty or of the law of nations. But the injuries arising from the capture of enemies property in vessels of the United States, may not be very extensive; and if for such captured property the French government will, agreeably to the law of nations, pay the freight and reasonable demurrage, we shall not, on this account any farther contend. But of ship timber and naval stores taken and confiscated by the French, they ought to pay the full value; because our citizens continued their traffick in those articles under the faith of the treaty with France. On these two points we ought to expect that the French government will not refuse to do us justice: and the more, because it has not, at any period of the war, expressed its desire that the commercial treaty should in these respects be altered.

Besides the claims of our citizens for depredations on their property, there are many arising from express contracts made with the French government or its agents, or founded on the seizure of their property in French ports. Other claims have arisen from the long detention of a multitude of our vessels in the ports of France. The wrong hereby done to our citizens was acknowledged by the French government, and in some, perhaps in most of