ceived; for if man be corrupt, and if the Church, to the end of the world, be to consist of a peculiar people, zealous of good works, how is the detestation of sin, and the love of holiness, first to be excited? This change, commonly termed conversion or regeneration, is the commencement of sanctification, which has ever been considered as an operation of the third person in the Trinity.

In conformity with the opinion of Dr. Hey, Mrs. West considers the Seventeenth Article as only reciting texts of Scripture, without declaring any doctrine;* but discarding the caution of the learned professor, she begs the question, by asserting that the article is Arminian and not Calvinisticf.

We consider Mrs. West to be a critic very unequal to such a discussion, and to point out the mistakes into which she has fallen in the progress of it, would lead us into a very long detail. We shall, therefore, only remark, that the Church unquestionably avoids the strong doctrine of reprobation, which indeed would ill accord with the admission of universal redemption in the communion service. But if it does not hold strong Calvinism, neither does it abjure that which is moderate, and this approaches sufficiently near to Arminianism for the voice of charity to sooth any turbulent emotion on either part, and produce mutual conciliation and concession.

It is a common, though in an ́author scarcely a venial error, to which Mrs. West has given currency, that the main body of those who dissent from the established Church, have forsaken predestinarian, and embraced unitarian sentimentsį. The Socinians are, in fact, a small portion of the Dissenters, and, probably, from want of union among themselves, they will verify Dean Allix's prediction, and never be

come numerous.

Lest the religious instructions contained in these letters should influence the young to abjure society, Mrs.

* Vol. ii. p. 168. † Vol. ii. p. 163. Vol. ii. p. 164.

West takes several opportunities of deprecating such an event, and shewing that solitude is likely to produce worse evils than a free intercourse with the world, and a moderate participation of its pleasures. Willing to strengthen her sentiments by the authority of those who ought to possess great weight with every Christian, she says "the Church of Christ furnished missionaries, confessors, and martyrs, who travelled to every region of the known world, and in the courts of princes, among the crowded haunts of men, preached a pure and holy Religion, no less by their example than their precepts. They mixed with the world, without being conformed to it." But if these holy men travelled into every region of the known world, was it not for the specific object of preaching the Gospel to those who sat in heathen darkness? And was this Gospel likely to conciliate the affections of mankind, when it thwarted their projects, overthrew their principles, and exposed to contempt whatever claimed their highest veneration? Their example, indeed, taught purity and holiness; but, instead of exciting imitation, it roused such rancour as could scarcely be appeased by their blood. Time has certainly ameliorated matters in this respect; but still the evil of the human heart remains, and will display its enmity against real piety. All therefore, who are determined to mingle with the world without being conformed to it, should posses fortitude that cannot be shaken by continued trials, and patience prepared to endure the scorn of ungodliness. But Mrs. West evidently does not wish to introduce her son upon a stage of mortification; she must, therefore, either form a different estimate of the world from that which the Scriptures appear to us to give, or allow compliances, such as we deem scarcely consistent with Christianity. Perhaps both these suppositions are true; for she must entertain a very favourable opinion of the world to assert, "That wise men always determine upon every case, and plain men and fools follow their ver|| Vol. ii. p. 349.

dict." Whence then arise all the error, folly, and iniquity, which abound in every nation under heaven? Wise men, too frequently overpowered by numbers, tamely acquiesce in fashions which they despise, and adopt principles, unsupported by reason, which Hatter their pride.

Mrs. West also considers what are termed elegant amusements not only as expedient, but sanctioned by the example of Christ, who "went to splendid entertainments, received the luxury of perfumes, and wore a curious valuable robe."*

The marriage in Cana is esteemed equivalent to a public amusement. The feast given on the performance of this ceremony was the principal domestic festivity among the Jews; and from the account in St. John's Gospel, it appears that it was observed, in the instance when Jesus was present, with considerable conviviality, which he tended to promote. But what does this case prove? That the Saviour of the world was a guest at the marriage feast of some persons in Galilee, who were too poor to afford the provisions usual on such occasions, consequently there was nothing to apprehend from excess, and every thing which was proper to expect from the friends of Joseph and Mary. Can this entertainment, then, be compared with those, where the blessings of Providence are expended with profusion, and the intercourses of friendship annihilated by a tumultuous crowd. But as no argument is brought in support of these novel and extraordinary opinions, it is merely necessary to enter a protest against them, and beg that they may be reconsidered with caution and candour.

After having been employed in detecting the defects of these interesting letters, justice might require, if incli nation did not prompt us, to display some of their numerous excellences. But the character of Mrs. West stands too high to be raised by any selections which could be comprehended within the limits of this account; we need, therefore, only add our trilate of praise * p. 237.

to that which has been already paid to her work, many parts of which are certainly well calculated to guard the young against the seduction of fashionable folly-to improve their understandings by the dictates of good sense, and to regulate their conduct by the rules of Christian morality.

XVI. The Crisis of the Sugar Colonies; or, an Inquiry into the Objects and probable Effects of the French Expedition to the West Indies, and their Connection with the Colonial Interests of the British Empire; to which are subjoined Sketches of a Plan for settling the vacant Lands of Trinidada. In Four Letters to the Right Honourable Henry Addington, Chancellor of the Exchequer, &c. London, Hatchard, 1802, pp. 222.

WE had hoped that long before the present period this country would have been freed from the foul reproach of the Slave Trade; but it still remains a source of national infamy, and a proof of the paramount influence which the God of this world has, unhappily, obtained among us. We sincerely lament its continuance, not only on account of the incurable injustice which characterizes it, and the miseries which but as it strongly indicates the two preit inflicts on a great portion of the globe, valent disregard of God's authority, and tends to increase the load of our national guilt.

It has been the policy of those who are interested in this question, to con

found the advocates for the abolition of

this commerce with the democratical unfairness of doing so is sufficiently assertors of the rights of man; but the evident. What impression the insinuation may have made on the public mind in the moment of alarm, excited by the devastating progress of French principles, we will not pretend to say; but we are persuaded that each succeeding year will evince the folly as well as wickedness of having thus confounded things so essentially distinct, and will prove to the satisfaction even of those who have most vehemently opposed every measure tending to the " abolition of the Slave Trade, that they have been blindly resisting the very

† See Mr. Pitt's Speech on the Slave Trade 1792.

policy which would have given security and permanence to our West India possessions.

Let it never be forgotten (for it is highly important in this view to remember) what were, in the year 1792, the sentiments of the most enlightened members of the British House of Commons on this subject; nothing more than such a reference is requisite to free the cause of abolition from every jacobinical impution. "I congratulate this house, the country, and the world," said Mr. Pitt, "that this curse of mankind is seen in its true light, and that the greatest stigma which ever yet existed to our national character is about to be removed; that mankind are now likely to be delivered from the greatest practical evil that ever has afflicted the human race, and from the severest and most extensive calamity recorded in the history of the world."

"That the time will come," said my Lord Hawkesbury, who pleaded for a gradual abolition, "when the stock of slaves in the island will be sufficient, no person can doubt that the Slave Trade is itself an evil, I am ready to admit that if the question was not to abolish but to establish it, I, of all those who profess so much zeal for the interests of humanity, would not be the least eager to oppose it.-Here is an evil which can be but of short continuance, &c. &c.-Agreeing then, most perfectly, with the friends of abolition in their end, I differ from them only in the means of accomplishing that end."

"The Slave Trade," observes the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, "I abhor-nor, Sir, have I taken up my aversion to this infamous system merely from the inspection of those volumes of evidence on your table; no, Sir, it was upon those solid principles, so eloquently and forcibly stated by the honourable gentleman who spoke last (Mr. Dundas.) I know no language which can add to the horrors of the Slave Trade. It is equal to every purpose of crimination to assert that thereby man is made subject to the despotism of man; that man is to be bought and sold."'*

* Debates on Slave Trade, 1792.

The decision of the House did justice to the eloquence employed on this occasion by these statesmen, and by many others, no less distinguished for their political wisdom; and a great majority of its members resolved that the first of January, 1796, should witness the final extinction of the British Slave Trade. But notwithstanding this vote, notwithstanding the solemn pledge of their intentions, which the present Ministers of the crown, as well as their predecessors, gave to the nation, the trade still continues in undiminished extent, and measures have even recently been thought of, which would have given fresh vigour and activity, as well as an indefinite continuance to this horrid traffic. We trust however, that the attention of the nation will be again drawn to so momentous a subject, and that on the eve of a general election every individual, who values the national character or the national interest; who has any regard for the happiness of his fellow-creatures; above all, who is anxious to avert from his country the divine displeasure; will seriously consider how he may best discharge the awful responsibility in which he participates, by the choice of Representatives who will feel it their duty to make strenuous efforts for the removal of this enormous evil.

Our readers, we trust, will not think that we have stepped beyond our province in adverting to this great topic, to which the Letters now under review have called our attention; and, we earnestly hope, will not fail to call the attention of the high character to whom they are addressed, and also of the public at large. We are far from regarding it as a mere political question, but as one which is peculiarly interesting in a moral and religious view. It is, to use the language of the great advocate of abolition, " a competition between God and Mammon; and to continue the trade is to adjudge the preference to the latter, to dethrone the Moral Governor of the world, and to fall down and worship the Idol of Interest."

These general remarks do not, we allow, immediately result from the work before us, but they have a suffi

ciently intimate connection with it to justify us in bringing them forward in this place.

Our Author's object is expressed in the title page, and it appears from an advertisement prefixed to the work as well as from the date of its publication, that the whole, excepting only the last five pages, was written before any account reached this country of the debarkation of the French expedition in St. Domingo. It is necessary to notice this circumstance, in order to obviate the charge of disingenuousness, which might otherwise be brought against the author; as the issue of that enterprise, so far as it has yet come to our knowledge, exactly coincides with his conjectures. Before we proceed to give any account of the work, we wish to observe, that the Author manifestly possesses an intimate acquaintance with the subject on which he has undertaken to write; and that his reasonings, which in most cases are very conclusive, enjoy the advantage of being enforced by language peculiarly energetic and impressive. In the First Letter the Author inquires what are presumably the objects of the French West Indian expedition, and assigns very satifac. tory reasons for believing that a restitution of the old slavery is the true object which the armament is designed to accomplish. This leads him to consider the nature of West India slavery, and he traces its lineaments with the hand of a master.

"That West India slaves, whether French or English, are the property of their master, and transferrable by him, like his inanimate effects; that in general he is absolute arbiter of the extent and the mode of their labour, and of the quantum of subsistence to be given in return for it; and that they are disciplined and punished at his discretion, direct privation of life or member excepted; these are prominent features, and sufficiently known, of this state of slavery.

"Nor is the manner in which the labour of slaves is conducted, a matter of less publicity. Every man who has heard any thing of West India affairs, is acquainted with the term negro-drivers; and knows, or may know, that the slaves in their ordinary field labour are driven to their work; and during their work, in the strict sense of the term, "driven," as used in Europe; though this statement no more involves an intimation, that in practice the lash is incessantly, or with any needless

frequency, applied to their back, than the phrase" to drive a team of horses," imports that the waggoner is continually smacking his scriptive, and not in censure of the West India whip. I use the comparison merely as desystem; with the accusation, or defence, of which, in a moral view, my argument, let it be observed, has no necessary connection. It is enough for my purpose, that in point of fact, no feature of West India slavery is better known, or less liable to controversy or doubt, than this established method in which field labour is enforced.

"But a nearer and more particular view of this leading characteristic, may be necessary to those who have never seen a gang of negroes at their work.

"When employed in the labour of the field, as, for example, in boleing a cane piece, i. e. in turning up the ground with hoes into parallel trenches, for the reception of the cane plants, the slaves, of both sexes, from twenty, perhaps, to fourscore in number, are drawn out in a line, like troops on a parade, each with a hoe in his hand, and close to them in the rear is stationed a driver, or several drivers, in Each of these drivers, who are always the most number duly proportioned to that of the gang. active and vigorous negroes on the estate, has in his hand, or coiled round his neck, from which by extending the handle, it can be disengaged in a moment, a long thick and strongly which is as loud, and the lash as severe, as plaited whip, ealled a cart whip; the report of those of the whips in common use with our waggoners, and which he has authority to apply at the instant when his eye perceives an occasion, without any previous warning.Thus disposed, their work begins, and conber of hours, during which, at the peril of the tinues without interruption for a certain numdrivers, an adequate portion of land must be holed.

"As the trenches are generally rectilinear, and the whole line of holers advance together, it is necessary that every hole or section of the trench should be finished in equal time with the rest; and if any one or more negroes were allowed to throw in the hoe with less rapidity or energy than their companions in other parts of the line, it is obvious that the work of the latter must be suspended; or else, such part of the trench as is passed over by the former, will be more imperfectly formed than the rest. It is, therefore, the business of the drivers, not only to urge forward the whole gang with sufficient speed, but sedulously to watch that all in the line, whether male or female, old or young, strong or feeble, work as nearly as possible in equal time, and with equal effect. The tardy stroke must be quickened, and the languid invigorated; and the whole line made to dress, in the military phrase, as it advances. No breathing time, no resting on the hoe, no pause of languor, to be repaid by brisker exertion on return to work, can be allowed to individuals: all must work, or pause together.

"I have taken this species of work as the

strongest example: but other labours of the plantation are conducted upon the same principle, and as nearly as may be practicable, in the same manner." (p. 8-11.)

In short, with a few exceptions, "the compulsion of labour by the physical impulse or present terror of the whip is universal; and it would be as extraordinary a sight in a West India island to see a line or file of negroes without a driver behind them, as it would be in England to meet a team of horses on a turnpike road without a carman or waggoner." (p. 13.)

The Second and Third Letters are employed in considering what consequences, interesting to Great Britain, are likely to result from this expedition, on the supposition either of its total failure or of its entire success, or in case of a middle event, or a compromise on the basis of the liberty of the negroes. We are sorry that our limits will not permit us to follow this ingenious writer through the whole train of his argument, in which he points out with great ability the imminent dangers which threaten our West India possessions on any one of the above suppositions. The reasons he advances in support of his opinion, that the attempt to reduce the slaves to their former bondage will prove completely abortive, appear to us unanswerable; but we must refer the reader for many of them to the work itself, which will amply repay "the trouble of an attentive perusal : only inserting a short extract.

Independently of all other considerations, the great bond of submission upon the minds of the negroes is, if I mistake not, dissolved for ever.

"A strange but fortunate prejudice, the creature of early terror, fostered by ignorance and habit, secured in great measure the tranquillity of these colonies before their revolutions; and forms the great security of all the islands wherein slavery still prevails. I mean that nameless and undefined idea of terror, connected in the mind of a negro slave, with the notion of resistance to a white man and a master.

This principle of action, like most others, that have their origin, not in rèason, but in ignorance and habit, when once subverted can never be renewed. The negro, who has been clevated to the same social freedom with his former master, and has drawn aside the veil by which the weak pedestal of former authority was concealed, can no more regard the one with a superstitious reverence, nor vield a blind obedience to the other. The spell is finally dissolved."

“More especially must this prejudice be in

capable of renewal when the practical lesson has been, not only that white men and masters may be resisted, but even confronted in arms, without those nameless dreadful consequences at which the soul was formerly appalled.

"It will be no less impossible again to breathe into such men the terrors which kept them in subjection, than it would be to renew in a philosopher the superstitions of the nursery, so that he should again believe in giants and magicians; or to frighten a man of mature age with the rod of his schoolmaster.

"I consider this change in the ideas, of the negroes as the most invincible of bars to the permanent restitution of the slave system in the French Islands: but the revolution that has taken place in their babits, is a concurrent and very formidable obstacle." (p. 72— 76.)

The justice and force of the following spirited remarks will not fail to strike every one who peruses them.

"Without presuming to calculate the value of Jamaica, and the other Sugar Colonies, and only assuming that it is something short of the full value of his Majesty's European dominions, including our constitution, our liberties, and our national independence; I may infer that we cannot afford to protect these colonies at the expense of ruining our navy; and if not, to station permanently there fleets large enough for the purpose in question, would not be an allowable, supposing it might be an effectual expedient. It is reported, Sir, that you have despatched a naval force to Jamaica, strong enough to cope, if needful, with the united squadrons of France and Spain which preceded it. If such be the fact, I condemn not the precaution: but every British heart must lament its necessity. One powerful enemy, disease, our brave tars will be sure to be assailed by, in that fatal region; and his ravages will not be the less destructive, because they may have no other foe to encounter. The hope of booty or of glory, the interest of a chase, or the looking out for a hostile sail, will no longer aid their spirits against the gloomy spectacle of sickness and death among their messmates, and the enervating influence

of the climate.

"The exemption of the French marine from the same destructive evils, would aggravate the national mischief of such a scheme of defence, if we should be driven to it as a permanent system. Without keeping a single ship of the line in the West Indies, perhaps even without a hostile intention, the Republic would have the important advantage of diverting and consuming our naval force, as well in peace as in war. We should have to feed this Minotaur with our best blood continually.-We should probably be obliged to send out every year to be preyed on by tropical diseases, more seamen as recruits, or more entire new shipscompanies to supply the waste of death, than