opprobrium and what is known as good society would hold itself aloof from politics or merely invade it at intervals.

The gentry did not, however, lose their control until they had founded the government and established agencies for operating its machinery in lieu of those which their class interests had provided. Parties were founded whose organization was gradually to develop a strength and an elaboration equal to the intricate tasks imposed by the complex nature of the government. The rigid framework of the Constitution forced political development to find its outlet in extra-constitutional agencies, bringing the executive and legislative branches under a common control, despite the constitutional theory. The new control was to be essentially as aristocratic as the old, for the political class is none the less an aristocracy, although its muniments do not consist of social privilege or territorial endowment, but rest upon proficiency in the management of party organization too complex for any save professional experts to handle. The history of American politics verifies Burke's remark, that "an aristocracy is the most natural thing in the world."

PART II

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

CHAPTER VI

SETTING UP THE GOVERNMENT

THE new government patterned its behavior as closely as possible after the English style. Hamilton drew up for the President a scheme of etiquette, imitating royal exclusiveness. "In Europe," he said, "ambassadors only have direct access to the chief magistrate. Something very near what prevails there would, in my opinion, be right. . . . I have thought that the members of the Senate should also have a right of individual access on matters relative to the public administration. In England and France peers of the realm have this right." But the Representatives were not entitled to such a privilege.1

The address to Congress, with which Washington opened the session, was couched in the style of the speech from the throne. At the first session there was some talk of setting up a sort of throne 1 Hamilton's Works, Vol. IV., p. 3.

for him in the senate chamber, but the project did not take well and it was dropped. He used the Vice-President's chair instead, and the Representatives went to the senate chamber to hear him, as the Commons proceed to the House of Lords on similar occasions. He addressed himself to both bodies, or either, as the nature of his remarks suggested. The tone was personal, such as a king might use. In his speech opening Congress at its first session, referring to his constitutional duty of recommending to their consideration such measures as he should deem necessary and expedient, he expressed his appreciation of "the talents, the rectitude, and patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them." In opening the next session, he told the Representatives : "I saw with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the last session, the resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment I entirely concur. And, to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the ends, I add an equal reliance on the cheerful coöperation of the other branch of the legislature."

Congress, too, conformed to English precedents in its procedure. The houses would vote a joint address in reply, containing a due amount of per

sonal compliment. The members trooped to the President's "audience chamber," and the president of the Senate delivered the address, whereupon the President would renew the assurances of his distinguished consideration.1

It is pathetic to read the accounts which have reached us of the embarrassments of General Washington in his conscientious discharge of these irksome duties. The explosion of wrath described by Jefferson in his "Anas," when Washington swore he would rather be living on his farm than be emperor of the universe,2 was doubtless the expression of the dearest wish of his heart. Maclay tells us that when Washington made his first address to Congress, he was "agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the levelled cannon or the pointed musket." A similar spectacle was presented when Congress waited on him to deliver their address in response. Maclay says:

"The President took his reply out of his coat

1 The joint rules adopted by the First Congress provided "that when the Senate and House of Representatives shall judge it proper to make a joint address to the President it shall be presented to him in his audience chamber, by the President of the Senate, in the presence of the Speaker and both houses."

2 Jefferson's Writings (Ford's edition), Vol. I., p. 254.

3 When John Adams was inaugurated he was impressed by Washington's intense gratification on quitting office. Adams wrote to his wife: "Methought I heard him say, 'Ay! I am fairly out, and you fairly in; see which of us will be the happiest.'"

pocket. He had his spectacles in his jacket pocket, having his hat in his left hand and his paper in his right. He had too many objects for his hands. He shifted his hat between his forearm and the left side of his breast. But taking his spectacles from the case embarrassed him. He got rid of this small distress by laying the spectacle case on the chimney-piece. Having adjusted his spectacles, which was not very easy considering the engagements of his hands, he read the reply with tolerable exactness and without much emotion.”

Many a time must this honest, single-minded Virginia gentleman have deplored the fate which made such pretence his duty, when in the ordinary course of affairs he should have had a right to expect that he would be living in comfort on his plantation, engaged in the country employments and recreations of which he was so fond. Mrs. Washington also had to exchange the genial hospitality and easy manners of Virginia for a stiff etiquette and a social parade which made her the target of disparaging gossip.1 And while Washington, with his best endeavor, thus played his part in this caricature of kingship, it was quite ineffectual. There was no historical prestige attaching to his office; there were no fixed social gradations to buttress his dignity; he had no revenue nor patronage, save what Congress chose to create for him. His brand-new authority was

1 Maclay records a characteristic sample. Journal, p. 73.